The Louisiana Purchase: Liberty, Slavery, and the Incorporation of the Territory of Orleans

Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Spear

On December 20, 1803, residents of New Orleans gathered at the Place d’Armes in the city center to watch as the French flag was lowered and the flag of the United States was raised in its place. Toasts were made to the US president, the French First Consul, and the Spanish king (whose flag had been lowered in a similar ceremony just twenty days earlier), and the celebrations continued throughout the night. The following day, however, began the process of determining just what it meant now that Louisiana was a part of the United States, initiating the first great test for the United States of its ability to expand its borders, incorporating both territories and peoples. The treaty ratifying the transfer, signed in Paris the previous April 30th, promised that “the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States” where they would experience “the enjoyment of all these rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States.” These inhabitants included thousands of people of French and Spanish descent, several thousand slaves of African descent, and about fifteen hundred free people of at least partial African ancestry; most of these inhabitants spoke French or (far fewer) Spanish and practiced Catholicism. In addition, the territory was home to tens of thousands of indigenous peoples, many of whom still lived on traditional territories and under their own sovereignty. For a few inhabitants of what would become the Territory of Orleans and later the state of Louisiana, incorporation did lead to “the enjoyment of all these rights” and gave some small grain of truth to Thomas Jefferson’s hope that the trans-Mississippi region would undergird the United States as an “empire of liberty,” although even for Europeans of French and Spanish ancestry, the process was neither easy nor uncontested. For most, however, incorporation led to the expansion of the United States as an empire of slavery, one built upon the often violent dispossession of native peoples of their lands and the expropriated labor of enslaved peoples of African descent.

2020 ◽  
pp. 183-194
Author(s):  
Charles D. Ross

This chapter narrates how Nassau resumed its normal state as a forgotten and destitute outpost. It outlines the effects of the Civil War in the United States, the cessation of blockade running, and the financial windfall of 1862–1864. The chapter then looks at the powerful hurricane that hit the city, in which hundreds of homes and businesses were completely destroyed. It recounts the center of opposition to blockade-running efforts during the war — the US consulate, and the four men who occupied that office to stop the shipping of contraband: Sam Whiting, Seth Hawley, and Vice-consul William Thompson. It also discusses the significance of Charles Jackson, John Howell, and Epes Sargent in providing aid to the consul's office during the war. The chapter argues that former US consul Timothy Darling was the only prominent merchant to be an ardent supporter of the Union cause, adding he was a true New Englander living in the tropics and was in strong opposition to the slave-holding Confederacy. The chapter also notes the contributions of Lewis Heyliger in Confederate departments, the cotton brokers, and the shipments coming in from Europe. Ultimately, it highlights how Henry Adderley, his son Augustus, and their business partner and Henry's son-in-law George David Harris epitomized the success of the opportunism surrounding the Great Carnival.


Urban History ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 663-685
Author(s):  
DAVID JOHNSON LEE

ABSTRACT:The reconstruction of Managua following the 1972 earthquake laid bare the contradictions of modernization theory that justified the US alliance with Latin American dictators in the name of democracy in the Cold War. Based on an idealized model of urban development, US planners developed a plan to ‘decentralize’ both the city of Managua and the power of the US-backed Somoza dictatorship. In the process, they helped augment the power of the dictator and create a city its inhabitants found intolerable. The collective rejection of the city, the dictator and his alliance with the United States, helped propel Nicaragua toward its 1979 revolution and turned the country into a Cold War battleground.


Author(s):  
Richard Archer

Hosea Easton and David Walker described and analyzed racism in New England during the late 1820s. New England had initially been more receptive to its black population than were other sections of the United States, but as their populations of free people of African descent dramatically increased, states began to reverse themselves. By the 1820s, laws forbade free people of African descent from marrying whites, employment was limited to the most menial jobs, and education—where available—was inadequate. African Americans could not serve on juries or hold public office. Their housing opportunities were restricted, and they were segregated in church seating. They were barred from theaters, hotels, hospitals, stagecoaches, and steamships. Worst of all, whites denied blacks their humanity. Their belief that people of color were inferior to themselves underlay slavery and racism.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 327-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael T. Friedman

Following the trend of cities throughout the United States subsidizing new baseball stadiums within their economic redevelopment strategies, in 2005, the city government of Washington, D.C. agreed to subsidize the construction of Nationals Park for the use of the Washington Nationals baseball team. In its design of the stadium, HOK Sport architects sought to represent the “transparency of democracy” as they were inspired by the democratic image and iconography of the US Capital city. Using a perspective based in Lefebvre’s (1991b) production of space, I explore the power relations produced and reproduced within spatial and cultural production. I argue that instead of creating an inclusive space, architects designed a space that exemplifies the late capitalist moment in its focus on consumption, social control, and aesthetic production. Nationals Park, thus, excludes people by class, privileges visitors over residents, and provides an unrealistic view of the city that marginalizes less powerful groups.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Rennie Short

I will review the major changes in the distribution of the metropolitan population of the United States (US), as revealed by the 2010 data recently released by the US Census. These data allow us to track recent changes and provide the basis for a discussion of longer-term trends identified in previous studies of US cities (Short 2006, 2007) and the city suburban nexus (Hanlon et al. 2010). In brief summary, the paper will show the continuing metropolitanization and suburbanization of the US population. A more nuanced picture will reveal evidence of stress in suburban areas and population resurgence in selected central city areas. Overall, the story is one of a profound revalorization and a major respatialization of the US metropolis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Daniel Immerwahr

ABSTRACT Architects and urban planners in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century, particularly those working in the City Beautiful style, held lofty ambitions yet struggled to carry them out. In cities such as Washington DC and Chicago, political resistance made executing their plans onerous. In the US colonies, however, they operated with greater liberty. This article follows the spatial vision of Daniel Burnham (1846–1912) from the mainland US to the Philippines. In that colonial setting, Burnham was able to realise his vision far more easily, as neither he nor the officials executing his plans were ultimately accountable to Filipinos. Forced labour, confiscated land, repurposed public money, unchecked political power and wartime social disruption all aided US architectural imperialism. Rather than regretting this, Burnham and his associates celebrated the opportunities that their undemocratic setting provided. This article treats not only Burnham but also William E. Parsons (1872–1939) and Cameron Forbes (1870–1959), who extrapolated and enforced Burnham’s plans, and Juan Arellano (1888–1960), the Filipino architect who, to his later regret, helped remake Manila in the colonisers’ image.


Genealogy ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Abel

Over the past decade, the DNA ancestry-testing industry—based largely in the United States—has experienced a huge upsurge in popularity, thanks partly to rapidly developing technologies and the falling prices of products. Meanwhile, the notion of “genetic genealogy” has been strongly endorsed by popular television documentary shows in the US, particularly vis-à-vis African-American roots-seekers—for whom these products are offered as a means to discover one’s ancestral “ethnic” origins, thereby “reversing the Middle Passage.” Yet personalized DNA ancestry tests have not had the same reception among people of African descent in other societies that were historically affected by slavery. This paper outlines and contextualizes these divergent responses by examining and comparing the cultural and political meanings that are attached to notions of origin, as well as the way that Blackness has been defined and articulated, in three different settings: the United States, France and Brazil.


Author(s):  
James H. Svara

This chapter explores two different kinds of elected mayors in cities in the United States, and the debate about which form should be used. The two types of mayor are the executive mayor in mayor-council cities and what I have called the facilitative mayor in council-manager cities. Traditionally, the mayor in council-manager cities was chosen by the city council from its members. Now two-thirds of the council-manager cities have directly elected mayors. The chapter examines the dynamics of change in American cities regarding the role of the mayor as part of the larger debate about the use of the mayor-council and council-manager form and compares the competing arguments for executive and facilitative mayors and their corresponding forms of government. The analysis draws on the arguments used on each side in 15 large cities that held referenda to change their form of government and determine what kind of mayor the city will have.


1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 2-18

The Inaugural Ceremony was held at the Convention Center, Baltimore, in the presence of distinguished representatives from the Government of the United States, the State of Maryland, the City of Baltimore, the Johns Hopkins University, the National Aeronautics & Space Administration, the and the US National Committee for the IAU.The chair was taken by Dr. A. Davidsen, co-Chairman of the Local Organizing Committee, from the Johns Hopkins University.A rousing aubade, specially composed for the occasion by Elam Ray Sprenkle, was beautifully performed by the Annapolis Brass Quintet under the direction of David Cren.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 61-67
Author(s):  
Réka Somlai

Present research is inspired to study the conceptions and misconceptions of hostels in eight different countries (Spain, United States, United Kingdom, Germany, Hungary, Venezuela, China, Australia). The outcome of the research reports that the participants in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany and in Hungary define hostels as youth accommodations, Spanish participants as cheap hotels and Venezuelans call them homeless shelters. The majority of the participants of all the above mentioned countries determine that the most important difference between hostels and hotels is the price. Americans, English, Germans, and Hungarians believe that a night would cost between 10 and 30 Euro in an average hostel, while Spaniards and Venezuelans say it would be under 10 Euro. Most respondents agree that hostels are; located in the city center, great places to socialize, offer safe accommodation, staying in there allows guests to save up money, and they are popular choices among travelers. American and English participants think hostels are only for people who like to party. Spaniards and Venezuelans think, hostels are outside of the city center. Spanish and English participants believe that hostels are too cheap to be able to offer a good service. Most participants say, the low price would be the main reason to stay in a hostel. Americans, English and Germans also think that other values are important besides the price: fun, the opportunity to meet people and atmosphere. In spite of all the above, most participants think people would rather stay in a hotel than in a hostel. Stereotypes evolve in different ways, which also explains how misconceptions about hostels developed.


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