scholarly journals Partnership peacekeeping: Challenges and opportunities in the United Nations-African Union Relationship

2014 ◽  
Vol 113 (451) ◽  
pp. 254-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. D. Williams ◽  
A. Boutellis
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Kasaija Phillip Apuuli

Abstract Since the end of the revolution that toppled the rule of Muammar Qaddafi in October 2011, Libya has never known peace. The country descended into civil war with different factions contending for control. In this milieu, the United Nations attempted to mediate an end to the crisis but its efforts have failed to gain traction partly as a result of other mediation initiatives undertaken by several European actors. Sub-regional and continental organizations, including the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the African Union (AU) respectively, that should have taken the lead in the mediation have been absent. Meanwhile, continued fighting has hampered a mediated settlement, and terrorist groups such as the Islamic State (IS) and al-Qaeda have taken advantage of the situation to establish a presence in the country. In the end, rather than ending the crisis, Libya has provided the ground for competing mediation processes which have prolonged the crisis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 261-284
Author(s):  
Jamie Pring

This chapter argues that the interaction of organizational norms and interests influences an organizations’ willingness to lead, collaborate, or compete in mediation processes. Examining the interactions of the United Nations, African Union, and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Horn of Africa, the chapter finds that while functionalist explanations for cooperation among mediation actors are dominant in the field, they don’t adequately account for cooperation in all types of mediation support. Crucially, functionalist approaches overlook geopolitical and normative factors crucial in forging cooperation in operational support to on-going mediation processes. Therefore, in addition to functional concerns, norms and interests also need to be considered in working towards deeper integration.


Author(s):  
Mathias Stephen ◽  
Trengove Stadler

This chapter explains the membership practices in international organizations (IOs). It focuses on criteria for membership, rights and obligations of membership, suspension, expulsion, and withdrawal. In addition to setting out the legal criteria in an international organization's constitutive treaty relating to membership, it also discusses how these criteria have been applied in practice and how decisions that are political in nature have been made within the established institutional and legal framework. The chapter focuses on three different types of IOs: the universal, represented by the United Nations (UN); the regional, such as the European Union (EU) and African Union (AU), where membership is restricted to countries from a particular geographic area; and the specialized agencies which, while fulfilling a limited and technical function, are often open to universal membership.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-325
Author(s):  
Vassilis Pergantis

This essay revisits the relationship between Article 4(h) of the African Union Constitutive Act and the R2P concept with a particular focus on military intervention. After unfolding the narrative of equation between the two norms, we explore their content and highlight their clear differences. We also observe the conceptual glissement concerning Article 4(h) from a right to a duty to intervene, which is not backed up by international practice. Furthermore, we examine the possible impact of the narrative of equation on the use of force architecture and particularly, on the relationship between the African Union and the United Nations. Finally, we analyse the normative implications of the equation for the R2P concept and conclude that the above equation fails to produce tangible legal consequences. What remains are its political motivations that sharply depart from the ‘higher’ ideals permeating the R2P and thus undermine its logic and realization.


2009 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Sarkin

AbstractThis article examines the basis for humanitarian intervention (HI) in the United Nations Charter, the African Union (AU) Charter and in a number of African sub-regional institutions. It traces the historical development of HI and argues that, while the right to HI emerged more than 100 years ago, that right also emerges from the Genocide Convention. The article argues that this treaty connects HI to the developing norm of the responsibility to protect (R2P) and examines the extent to which R2P is garnering wider support around the world. It focuses on the UN, and the various AU and sub-regional institutions and instruments that sanction HI. It assesses whether intervention can be authorized even in the absence of a UN Security Council mandate and examines the principles, application and interrelationship of R2P and HI in the African context. It traces the use of these norms in Africa, including in the various sub-regional structures, and evaluates the AU's political will and capability to deal with conflict and human rights abuse.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benson Chinedu Olugbuo

There are two questions with multiple answers regarding the relationship between Africa and the International Criminal Court. The first is whether the International Criminal Court is targeting Africa and the second is if politics plays any role in the decision to investigate and prosecute crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. For the African Union, the International Criminal Court has become a western court targeting weak African countries and ignoring the atrocities committed by big powers including permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The accusation by the African Union against the International Criminal Court leads to the argument that the International Criminal Court is currently politised. This is a charge consistently denied by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationship between the United Nations Security Council, the International Criminal Court and the African Union. It articulates the role of the three institutions in the fight against impunity and the maintenance of international peace and security with reference to the African continent. The paper argues that complementarity should be applied to regional organisations and that the relationship between the African Union and the International Criminal Court should be guided by the application of positive complementarity and a nuanced approach to the interests of justice. This offers the International Criminal Court and the African Union an opportunity to develop mutual trust and result-oriented strategies to confront the impunity on the continent. The paper further argues that the power of the United Nations Security Council to refer situations to the International Criminal Court and defer cases before the Court is a primary source of the disagreement between the prosecutor and the African Union and recommends a division of labour between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council.


Author(s):  
Daniel Chigudu

The conflicts in Western Sahara have not been resolved conclusively for 43 years now with some referring to them as ‘frozen’ conflicts in Africa’s last colony. A clear case of decolonisation turned out to be a genesis of displacement and protracted suffering of the Saharawi people from the former coloniser to another handler arguably backed by some invisible external hegemons. This study is a qualitative research using secondary data and thematic analysis to investigate Western Sahara’s unending conflicts and the way forward. Located in the conflict theory, findings indicate that the past failed interventions by the United Nations have been a result of the influence of superpowers wielding levers of power in the United Nations Security Council with vested interests in the country. Morocco the new coloniser is a neighbouring country reluctant to cede power while taping the mineral and water resources which Western Sahara is abundantly endowed with. As the Saharawi people are not obliged to give in, the conflict rages on unabated. The latest United Nations intervention could avert the conflict situation as it appears that those who had vested interests are now recoiling. The situation should not be tolerated any further and the Sahrawis deserve better, peace and tranquillity in their homeland. It is recommended that, in the letter and spirit of multilateralism, the African Union and regional economic communities across Africa should swiftly intervene even though it is now late than never.


Author(s):  
LILIANA BROŽIČ

In 2021, the French publishing house L'Harmattan published a monograph entitled Darfur peacekeepers the African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur (AMIS) from the perspective of a Hungarian military advisor. The author of the 234-page monograph is Janos Besenyo. In addition to the author's preface and the conclusion, the monograph includes six substantive chapters. In the first chapter entitled Geography and history of Darfur, the author presents the geography, climate, flora and fauna, major cities, economy, infrastructure, different nationalities, ethnic groups and religions, and the history of Darfur. In the second chapter, entitled AMIS, he focuses on the African Union's mission in Sudan I (AMIS I), in which he presents the causes of the Darfur conflict, its outbreak and the African Union’s engagement in the conflict with the African Union's mission in Sudan. This is followed by a chapter entitled AMIS II, which presents the history, structure and operation following the decision to engage additional civilian and military observers, soldiers, police officers and additional financial and other resources. The fourth chapter presents a new mission called AMIS II E or AMIS III, which is also the title of the chapter. The letter E in the acronym stands for the word “enhanced,” which implicated the enhanced character of military presence in this mission. This chapter is composed of a subchapter entitled The Foreshadow of the Fall and the additional engagement of the United Nations, followed by the UN and African Union mission in Darfur, known as UNAMID. In the fifth chapter, entitled The Support Mission of the European Union, and its four substantive subchapters, the author presents several phases of the European Union's participation in the mission led by the African Union. Chapter six, entitled Hungarian Experience, describes Hungarian experiences from the missions in Darfur. Hungary first deployed its military observer to Darfur in 2004. Hungary's involvement in the mission in Africa seems unusual, as it was the only one of all the participating countries that had no colonial history, economic or any other interests in this part of the world, and at the same time had no previous experiences. The monograph has only one drawback, and that is the fact that it is not scientific. However, this is at the same time its advantage. Besenyo was an officer in the Hungarian Armed Forces for 31 years and was deployed in Darfur in the second half of 2005. He was strongly marked by his personal experience as a peacekeeper. Ever since, he has been devoting much attention to Africa-related security topics. His return from the mission of the African Union, the European Union, NATO, the United Nations and other organisations in Darfur coincided with his doctoral studies. Both of these activities have achieved the same effect as two rivers, which merge at the confluence and gain a lot of power and speed as their flow continues. After completing his military career, the author of the monograph being a prolific writer and restless researcher became actively involved in the academic environment as a university professor at the Obuda University in Budapest. In 2019, the Africa Research Institute was established within Doctoral School of Safety and Security Sciences, University of Óbuda, headed by Assistant Professor Besenyo, PhD. Considering the amount and quality of publications on the African continent, the institute is clearly very successful. From a European point of view, Africa is a very distant continent; however, the developments in that region and their results are increasingly affecting all of us in the European Union and beyond. The migration flow, which brought many African migrants to the shores of the Mediterranean over the last decade and peaked in 2015, has significantly changed and affected all the countries along their way, especially those that migrants had chosen as their target countries. Since everyone should have the right to live at home in peace, in their own way, with their family, it would be right that they are enabled to do so. Unfortunately, climate change, water scarcity, disease, poverty, differences in culture, religion, political order and natural resources, but sometimes only individuals or smaller associations, lead to various frictions, conflicts or even genocide, as was the case in Darfur. In such cases, the international humanitarian community and various security and other organizations are usually involved to assist the helpless population. In his monograph, Besenyo presented the full breadth and magnitude of international humanitarian efforts, but also the harsh reality where all those who want to help are exactly where they need to be, but despite all their efforts, they are completely powerless. I recommend Darfur Peacekeepers to be read by all those who care about the future of all of us and our descendants, but especially by those who have the opportunity and ability to influence the security of the country, the society and the individual. The content of the book provides an invaluable insight into the experience of a military officer. It is a valuable learning resource for all of us, but especially for members of the armed forces, police and civilian institutions that lead or support the activities within international missions.


Subject Peacekeeping in Darfur Significance The UN Security Council in July authorised a major drawdown and reconfiguration of the United Nations-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). The downsizing was expected. Nevertheless, the mission’s exit does not mark an end to Darfur’s 15-year-old conflict; rather, it increases the potential for a serious deterioration. Impacts The government will persist with efforts to dismantle camps that still play host to 1.8 million displaced people, despite fierce resistance. The weapons collection campaign will deepen tensions between government militias and non-Arab communities, potentially sparking fighting. The army will focus on combatting Sudan Liberation Movement/Abdel Wahid rebels and loyalists of recently arrested militia chief Musa Hilal.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document