UNAMID withdrawal raises Darfur relapse risk

Subject Peacekeeping in Darfur Significance The UN Security Council in July authorised a major drawdown and reconfiguration of the United Nations-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). The downsizing was expected. Nevertheless, the mission’s exit does not mark an end to Darfur’s 15-year-old conflict; rather, it increases the potential for a serious deterioration. Impacts The government will persist with efforts to dismantle camps that still play host to 1.8 million displaced people, despite fierce resistance. The weapons collection campaign will deepen tensions between government militias and non-Arab communities, potentially sparking fighting. The army will focus on combatting Sudan Liberation Movement/Abdel Wahid rebels and loyalists of recently arrested militia chief Musa Hilal.

Subject Progress on the Western Saharan conflict Significance The UN Security Council (UNSC) voted on April 28 to extend for another year the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). The force observes a ceasefire (since 1991) between Morocco and the Polisario Front in the Western Sahara (the organisation recognised by the UN as representing Sahrawis). African Union (AU) demands to upgrade MINURSO's mandate to include human rights monitoring in the contested territory were rejected. Instead the watered down resolution calls on Morocco and the Polisario Front to "enter a more intensive and substantive phase of negotiations" in order to reach a political solution. Impacts Sahrawi activists backed by Algeria will wage a legal battle against international companies cooperating with Morocco in Western Sahara. Diplomatic tension and competition between Morocco and Algeria will intensify and complicate regional conflict resolution efforts. However, a direct military confrontation between Morocco and Algeria is unlikely. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCR) may become more active in monitoring human rights in Western Sahara. This could create tension between OHCR and Rabat, and raise scrutiny on firms seeking to invest in Western Sahara or import goods.


Author(s):  
Marina E. Henke

This chapter assesses how the United Nations, in cooperation with the African Union, formed one of the largest and most expensive peacekeeping operations ever deployed to stop the bloodshed in Darfur. The operation took the name United Nations–African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). The United States initiated and orchestrated the most important political aspects that made the deployment of UNAMID possible. At the United Nations, the United States was intimately involved in the drafting and negotiation of UN resolutions pertaining to the Darfur issue and prodded various UN Security Council members to support the respective resolutions. Once UNAMID was approved by the UN Security Council, the United States was deeply involved in recruiting UNAMID participants. Some countries—such as Egypt, China, Canada, and Ethiopia—had a political stake in the Darfur conflict and thus volunteered forces to deploy to Darfur. Nevertheless, the large majority of countries did not join UNAMID on their own initiative. Rather, they were wooed into the coalition by the United States. U.S. officials thereby followed specific practices to recruit these troops. Many of these practices exploited diplomatic embeddedness: U.S. officials used preexisting ties to ascertain the deployment preferences of potential recruits and constructed issue linkages and side payments. The United States was assisted in the UNAMID coalition-building process by UN staff, most notably from the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (UNDPKO).


Author(s):  
Charles Riziki Majinge

SummaryThis article examines the role of regional arrangements under the Charter of the United Nations (UN Charter) in the maintenance of international peace and security. The African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC), the organ within the AU charged with addressing threats to international peace and security on the African continent, is used as a case study. The author contends that the major challenges facing regional arrangements in exercising mandates under Article 53 of the UN Charter of the United Nations have more to do with inadequate financial and logistical resources than the nature of those mandates. Taking the AU’s role in Somalia, Sudan, and other African countries as examples, the article demonstrates that the AU PSC has failed to achieve its objective of maintaining peace and security precisely because the United Nations (UN) Security Council — a more powerful and better resourced organ — has failed to live up to its responsibility of extending the assistance necessary to enable the AU PSC to perform its functions. Consequently, the author concludes that the UN Security Council, when delegating powers to regional arrangements to maintain international peace and security, should provide adequate resources to such regional arrangements, especially those that will otherwise have minimal or no capacity to fulfil their mandate effectively.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Oleksandr L. Kovalkov

In December, 1979 sub-units of the Soviet Army invaded the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, eliminated Hafizullah Amin from power, established the government of Babrak Karmal and occupied the country. These events caused the condemnation of the international community, that were reflected by the statement on the Afghan question in the agenda of the Security Council and the UN General Assembly in January, 1980. The minute-books of SC of the UNO, as well as the UN General Assembly resolutions are the main sources of research of this problem. The discussion of the Afghan question in the UN Security Council lasted from 5 to 7 January, 1980, involving 42 countries. The USSR Representative to the United Nations O. Troyanovskyi and Foreign Minister of DRA Sh. M. Dost tried to persuade all those present that Soviet troops had been brought to Afghanistan at the invitation of a legitimate Afghan government to repulse allegedly externally-aggressive aggression. Herewith they referred to Article 51 of the UN Charter and Article 4 of the Treaty of Friendship, Neighborhood and Cooperation between the USSR and the DPA. Most of the delegations (primarily the US delegation, Pakistan, the Chinese People’s Republic, Great Britain) rejected the arguments of the Soviet and Afghan sides and condemned Soviet aggression and called for the withdrawal of troops from the territory of Afghanistan immediately. The Soviet Union and the DRA were supported only by a few delegations of Soviet satellites (Poland, the GDR, Hungary, the Mongolian People’s Republic, Laos and Vietnam). But during the vote on the anti-Soviet resolution on January 7, 1980, the USSR expected vetoed it. After that, the consideration of the «Afghan question» was postponed to the General Assembly, where 108 countries condemned the Soviet aggression on January, 14 (18 countries abstained, the same number supported the USSR). The discussion of the «Afghan question» at the United Nations Organization in January, 1980 assured that the Soviet Union had suffered a loud defeat in the international arena, its authority was severely undermined. This was also confirmed by the end of the policy of "discharging" and the subsequent eruption of the Cold War in international relations. In addition, the consideration of the Afghan question at the UNO has shown the lack of a mechanism for influencing an aggressor country that has a veto power in the UN Security Council. The USSR was expected to veto the Security Council resolution, and the decisions of the General Assembly were recommendatory. This is particularly relevant in terms of the current UN crisis in deterring the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, the DPRK, Syria and others like that.


2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan Nur Halane

There has been a civil war in Somalia ever since the central government collapsed in 1991 which means there has been more then twenty years of domestic violence. To stop the fight, the United Nations Missions and other forces authorised by the UN Security Council have been deployed to Somalia such as the United Nations Operations (UNOSOM) and United Task Force (UNITAF), but none of those missions and forces have bore fruit and the civil war in the country has not come to an end. Furthermore, United Nations thought it has failed militarily whatever caused in Somalia but politically it has been present because immediately after its withdrawal from the country United Nation Office in Somalia (UNPOS) was established in 1995 in neighboring country in Kenya. However, in 2006 the situation deteriorated further when there was a bloody conflict between Islamic Courts and the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) heavily supported by Ethiopia which later resulted in military defeat of the former and two years presence of Ethiopian contingent in Somalia. Consequently, the situation came under the spotlight of African Union which later established African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) which is currently operating in Somalia with the approval of the UN Security Council under its Resolution 1744. The idea of creating AMISOM is to assist (TFG) as well as to promote peace and stability in Somalia. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-279
Author(s):  
Renata Christha Auli

Abstract The tensions between Muslim and Buddhist communities in Rakhine, Myanmar have escalated and became the international spotlight. Massacre in the Rohingya is a serious violation of human rights. In accordance with the functions of the United Nation, this international organization is expected to prevent and eliminate crimes against humanity that occur in the Rohingya. One of the main organs in charge of maintaining international peace and security is the UN Security Council. However, the fact that the United Nations failed to carry out its duties was because Russia has veto power and has blocked the statement which was expressed by UN Security council concerning this situation to punish Myanmar in resolving the Rohingya case, solely due to the political relationship between Russia and Myanmar. The failure of the United Nations is the world's debt to the Rohingya tribe, accordingly to redeem the debt it is needed reform of the UN Security Council.  Keywords: Humanitarian Crimes, Rohingya, Security Council, United Nations, Veto   Abstrak Perseteruan yang terjadi antara umat Muslim dan Buddha di Rakhine, Myanmar, kembali terjadi dan menjadi sorotan dunia internasional. Pembantaian di Rohingya merupakan pelanggaran berat terhadap hak asasi manusia. Perserikatan Bangsa- Bangsa (PBB) merupakan organisasi internasional yang diharapkan dapat mencegah dan menghapus kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan yang terjadi di Rohingya, sesuai dengan fungsi dari Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa. Salah satu organ utama yang bertugas untuk menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan internasional adalah Dewan Keamanan PBB. Namun fakta yang terjadi PBB gagal dalam menjalankan tugasnya karena Rusia terus melakukan veto terhadap Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB untuk menghukum Myanmar dalam penyelesaian kasus Rohingya, karena semata- mata hubungan politik antara Rusia dengan Myanmar. Kegagalan PBB merupakan utang dunia terhadap suku Rohingya, sehingga untuk dapat menebus utang tersebut diperlukan reformasi Dewan Keamanan PBB. Kata Kunci: Dewan Keamanan, Kejahatan Kemanusiaan, Perserikatan Bangsa- Bangsa, Rohingya, Veto


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