The tragic aorist

1999 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lloyd
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
New Interpretation

The tragic or ‘instantaneous’ aorist usually has a paragraph to itself in the grammar books, as a distinct but not especially important use of the aorist. It is most common in Athenian drama of the second half of the fifth century, although there are possible examples in Homer and some learned revivals later. The present article offers an entirely new account of these aorists, and entails a new interpretation of the tone of some 75 lines of tragedy and comedy.

scholarly journals PINDAR, OLYMPIAN 2.5–7, TEXT AND COMMENTARY—WITH EXCURSIONS TO ‘PERICTIONE’, EMPEDOCLES AND EURIPIDES’ HIPPOLYTUS

2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 499-517
Author(s):  
M.S. Silk
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Good Evidence ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Divine Retribution ◽  
As If

In 1998, I suggested a new text for a notably corrupt passage in Pindar's Isthmian 5. This article is in effect a sequel to that earlier discussion. In the 1998 article, I proposed, inter alia, that the modern vulgate text of I. 5.58, ἐλπίδων ἔκνισ’ ὄπιν, is indefensible and the product of scribal corruption in antiquity, and that chief among the indefensible products of corruption there is the supposed secular use of ὄπις, as if used to mean something like ‘zeal’. This (as I hope to have demonstrated) is a sense for which there is no good evidence in classical Greek, where ὄπις always has a delimited religious denotation, meaning either (a) ‘gods’ response’, ‘divine retribution’, or else (b) ‘religious awe’ or ‘reverence’ towards the gods, through fear of that response or that retribution. If we discount I. 5.58 itself (and likewise the focus of the present article, O. 2.6), all the pre-Hellenistic attestations can be straightforwardly listed under these headings: (a) Il. 16.388 θεῶν ὄπιν οὐκ ἀλέγοντες, Od. 14.88 ὄπιδος κρατερὸν δέος, Hes. Theog. 221–2 θεαὶ . . . | . . . ἀπὸ τῷ δώωσι κακὴν ὄπιν, Pind. P. 8.71–2 θεῶν δ’ ὄπιν | ἄφθονον αἰτέω, sim. Od. 20.215, 21.28, Hes. Op. 187, 251, 706, along with, seemingly, a fragmentary fifth-century Thessalian verse inscription, CEG 1.120.1 Hansen; (b) Hdt. 9.76.2 θεῶν ὄπιν ἔχοντας, 8.143.2. In addition, one other instance can be interpreted as either (a) or (b), or in effect both: Od. 14.82 (of the suitors) οὐκ ὄπιδα φρονέοντες . . . οὐδ’ ἐλεητύν. In all cases, though, ‘gods’ are specified, usually as a dependent genitive with ὄπις, or else separately but in the near context. Hellenistic and later occurrences of the word are few, and (as I argued in 1998) hints there of a secular reading can actually be taken to reflect misunderstandings based on, precisely, the early corruption in I. 5.

JOHN DUNS SCOTUS ON HUMAN BEINGS IN THE STATE OF INNOCENCE

Traditio ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 289-310
Author(s):  
ERNESTO DEZZA
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Thomas Aquinas ◽  
The State ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
John Duns Scotus ◽  
Christian Anthropology ◽  
Duns Scotus ◽  
The Gift ◽  
Theological Orientation ◽  
New Interpretation

The present article presents the theory of the Franciscan master John Duns Scotus (1265/66–1308) on the so-called “state of innocence,” namely the condition in which human beings lived before the first sin. The state of innocence is characterized by the gift of original justice, guaranteeing harmony between the soul's powers and immortality. Derived from traditional Christian anthropology, Scotus's description offers a chance for dialogue with the masters of the second half of the thirteenth century, among them Henry of Ghent, Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventure. Because of the theological orientation of Scotus's explanation, human beings as outlined by him are simultaneously naturally good and in need of divine gifts to reach their very end. Through a new interpretation of modality, Scotus's position is better able to express certain conditions related to power/possibility within the state of innocence.

LYKOPHRON AND EPIGRAPHY: THE VALUE AND FUNCTION OF CULT EPITHETS IN THEALEXANDRA

2014 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hornblower
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Literary Text ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Greek Religion ◽  
Local Origin ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Many ◽  
And Function

The subject of this paper is a striking and unavoidable feature of theAlexandra: Lykophron's habit of referring to single gods not by their usual names, but by multiple lists of epithets piled up in asyndeton. This phenomenon first occurs early in the 1474-line poem, and this occurrence will serve as an illustration. At 152–3, Demeter has five descriptors in a row: Ἐνναία ποτὲ | Ἕρκυνν' Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος, ‘Ennaian … Herkynna, Erinys, Thouria, Sword-bearing’. In the footnote I give the probable explanations of these epithets. Although in this sample the explanations to most of the epithets are not to be found in inscriptions, my main aim in what follows will be to emphasize the relevance of epigraphy to the unravelling of some of the famous obscurity of Lykophron. In this paper, I ask why the poet accumulates divine epithets in this special way. I also ask whether the information provided by the ancient scholiasts, about the local origin of the epithets, is of good quality and of value to the historian of religion. This will mean checking some of that information against the evidence of inscriptions, beginning with Linear B. It will be argued that it stands up very well to such a check. TheAlexandrahas enjoyed remarkable recent vogue, but this attention has come mainly from the literary side. Historians, in particular historians of religion, and students of myths relating to colonial identity, have been much less ready to exploit the intricate detail of the poem, although it has so much to offer in these respects. The present article is, then, intended primarily as a contribution to the elucidation of a difficult literary text, and to the history of ancient Greek religion. Despite the article's main title, there will, as the subtitle is intended to make clear, be no attempt to gather and assess all the many passages in Lykophron to which inscriptions are relevant. There will, for example, be no discussion of 1141–74 and the early Hellenistic ‘Lokrian Maidens inscription’ (IG9.12706); or of the light thrown on 599 by the inscribed potsherds carrying dedications to Diomedes, recently found on the tiny island of Palagruza in the Adriatic, and beginning as early as the fifth centuryb.c.(SEG48.692bis–694); or of 733–4 and their relation to the fifth-centuryb.c.Athenian decree (n. 127) mentioning Diotimos, the general who founded a torch race at Naples, according to Lykophron; or of 570–85 and the epigraphically attested Archegesion or cult building of Anios on Delos, which shows that this strange founder king with three magical daughters was a figure of historical cult as well as of myth.

scholarly journals Hierarchia wschodnich biskupów w historiografii kościelnej V wieku

Vox Patrum ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 181-199
Author(s):  
Sławomir Bralewski
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Saint Peter ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Eusebius Of Caesarea ◽  
The Church ◽  
Marked Tendency ◽  
The Way ◽  
Church Historians

Francis Dvornik has expressed the view that, in the Eastern part of the Empire, the principle of accommodation dominated over the principle of the apostolic ori­gin. The situation, he maintained, resulted from the fact that the aforementioned area included excessively numerous sees which were either established by one of the Apostles or were considered to be somehow connected with their activities. Does the conclusion of the Czech researcher find any justification in the way the precedence of bishoprics is depicted in the Greek ecclesiastical historiography of the fifth century? The present article is to give an answer to the question. The analysis of the ecclesiastical historiography in question demonstrates that Eusebius of Caesarea, who wrote in the IV th century, while setting a hierarchy of bishops was guided first and foremost by the principle of accommodation. The church historians, however, who compiled their works a mere century later put a decisively lesser stress on Eusebius’ predilection in that matter. Although the narrative of Philostorgius, since fragmentary, is hard to interpret, Socrates’ atti­tude displays a marked tendency of favoring the importance of the apostolic ori­gin, which was most probably taken over from Rufinus of Aquileia. Sozomen tended to tell the difference between the official hierarchy of bishops, which was based on the principle of accommodation, and the structure of bishoprics connec­ted with the Apostles. Theodoretus, in turn, tended to connect both the principles, however, preferring the idea of the Church originated by saint Peter, accordingly of the ecclesiastic structure based on the principle of the apostolic origin. As a consequence, and contrary to F. Dvornik’s thesis, it should be concluded that (at least) the authors of the Ecclesiastic Histories of the fifth century were in favor of the principle of the apostolic origin and maintained it was over the prin­ciple of accommodation.

scholarly journals Zu den mit ሰ (sägäd) gebildeten Namen äthiopischer Kaiser sowie anderer hoher Würdenträger des Reiches

Aethiopica ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 54-73
Author(s):  
Michael Kleiner
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
Traditional Understanding

From Lǝbnä Dǝngǝl (1508–40) to Ǝgwalä Ṣǝyon / Gwalu (1801–18), most Solomonic monarchs in addition to their baptismal name also bore a regnal name (sǝmä mängǝśt) of the structure “noun + sägäd”. In Ethiopian Studies, sägäd of these names has traditionally been interpreted as an apocopated form of sägädä, ‘to prostrate oneself, to show submission’. In his 1988 edition of Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius und Minās, however, Manfred Kropp challenged this view. Starting out by arguing that with names such as Bǝrhan Sägäd and Mäsiḥ Sägäd a traditionally understood sägäd would lead to inacceptable results, Kropp through a number of steps came to the conclusion that sägäd should best be seen as an adjective and be translated as ‘venerable’, an interpretation already once forwarded by Ludolf. The present article examines Kropp’s argument in detail, and concludes that it should be rejected. Conversely, it undertakes to demonstrate in a variety of ways, including the presentation of fresh evidence from Gǝʿǝz literature, that the traditional understanding of sägäd should – and can – be retained. In the process it also shows how this traditional understanding can be reconciled with names such as Bǝrhan Sägäd and, especially, Mäsiḥ Sägäd. In addition, the article proposes a new interpretation of the female regnal names formed with mogäsa in the position of male sägäd.

scholarly journals From Purāṇic to Folk: the ‘Kirātārjunīyam Ballade’ and Visuals

Eikon / Imago ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 355-366
Author(s):  
Raju Kalidos Kesava Rajarajan
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Classical Work ◽  
Later Phase

The present article aims to examine a folk literary motif from the ‘Kirātārjunīyam’. Kirāta (hunter-Śiva) and Arjuna once needed to clash with each other during the forest life of the Pāṇḍavas. Arjuna wanted to obtain the coveted pāśupatāstra from Śiva that could only be awarded to a soldier of mettle to wield the missile efficiently. Arjuna undertook hazardous tapas pleased with which Śiva tested Arjuna and finally awarded the astra. This myth appears in the Mahābhārata dated sometime in the fifth century BCE and its folk origin may get back to the immoral past. This story was retold in a classical work by the poet Sanskrit Bhāravi in eighteen cantos. The article examines a key motif relating to the Penance of Arjuna (cf. the Māmallapuram bas relief) from the Kirātārjunīyam episode, called pañcāgnitapas and how the Penance of Arjuna is retold in the ballad understudy? Several folk motifs of kuṟavaṉ-kuṟatti of Kuṟṟālakkuṟavañci are illustrated in a later phase of the art in Tamilnadu (e.g., the Thousand-Pillared Hall of the Great Maturai Temple of the Nāyaka period). Kirātārjunīyam was a popular motif in sculptural art though the ages.

Sujeto, pensamiento y lenguaje en Nietzsche

1970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Parmeggiani
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Decisive Factor ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
Basic Ideas

RESUMENPara su crítica del concepto metafísico de sujeto cognoscente, Nietzche ensaya una nueva interpretación del pensamiento, en la que el lenguaje interviene como factor decisivo. Sobre ello, el presente estudio defiende principalmente dos tesis interpretativas: (a) el lenguaje sólo interviene en la génesis de la pequeña parte consciente del pensar; y (b) en el factor lingüístico, no sólo se incluye la lengua aunque sea la dimensión básica, sino muchas otras formas de lenguaje. A partir de ello, Nietzsche pretende poner en cuestión la antítesis gnoseológica sujeto/predicado.PALABRA CLAVESUJETO-LENGUAJE-PENSAMIENTO-CONCIENCIAABSTRACTFor this criticism of metaphysic concepto of cognitive subject, Nietzsche tries out a new interpretation of thinking, where the language performs as decisive factor. About this, the present article maintains two basic ideas: (a) the language performs only in the becoming of the conscious part of thinking; (b) the linguistic factor includes the tongue, but also many others forms of language. Starting from this two ideas, Nietzsche wants to question the cognitive antithesis subject/object and to decribe the becoming of its presumed evidence, from the antithetical linguistic diagram subject/predicate.KEYWORDSSUBJECT-LANGUAGE-RHINKING-CONSCIOUSNESS

Psalmi ante sacrificium and the origin of the introit

2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Dyer
Keyword(s):  
Ninth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Sixth Century ◽  
The North ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
First Time

ABSTRACTThe biography of Pope Celestine I (422–32) in the first edition of the Liber pontificalis (c.530) credits him with introducing the singing of ‘psalmi ante sacrificium’ at Mass. Several decades later, the second edition added that these psalms were sung ‘antephanatim ex omnibus’. Since the early ninth century, these statements have been interpreted to mean that Celestine introduced the introit chant, a conclusion challenged for the first time about twenty-five years ago. The new interpretation of the passage proposed that Celestine did not introduce the introit, but the responsorial psalm sung between the (two) readings at Mass. An analysis of the terminology used in Celestine's biography, especially the word sacrificium, indicates that the Liber pontificalis author did most likely intend to attribute to him the introduction of the introit, which was certainly in existence by the early sixth century. The presence of a processional solea in certain churches of Rome and the North Adriatic littoral indicates that architectural accommodations were being made for the entrance procession by the fifth century. Psalmic texts form the basis of the repertoire, and non-psalmic introits give every indication of post-dating those with texts drawn from the Psalter.

Greek Inscriptions at Cairness House

1934 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus N. Tod
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Short Account ◽  
Late Professor ◽  
The Subject

Professor J. D. Beazley recently discussed in this Journal (xlix. 1 ff.) a fifth-century Attic relief now preserved in Cairness House, Lonmay, Aberdeenshire. He appended a short account, partly from the pen of Colonel C. T. Gordon, of General Thomas Gordon (1788–1841), who brought to this country that relief and various other antiquities, and of the dispersion of the collection in 1850. The relief, however, remained at Cairness, together with two inscribed stelae, one of which has not been published hitherto, while the other has been regarded as lost. These form the subject of the present article.My warm thanks are due to the late Professor J. Harrower for calling my attention to the inscriptions and supplying me with excellent photographs of them, as also to Colonel Gordon for granting me permission to publish them and for his hospitality at Cairness, where he kindly gave me every facility for examining the stones with a view to verifying and completing the texts I had already deciphered from the photographs.

The paintings on the Hermes tomb under San Sebastiano: a new Interpretation

2007 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 180-201
Author(s):  
Alastair H. B. Logan
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Subject Matter ◽  
Second Century ◽  
Prodigal Son ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
And Function

How early did Christians make their presence felt in the ancient cemetery under the present church of San Sebastiano in Rome? In this present article I will argue that enigmatic paintings on the attic of a second-century tomb, the tomb of Clodius Hermes, whose subject-matter and provenance is much disputed, are best interpreted as Christian and as representing three Lukan parables from chapters 14–15 (the Lost Sheep, the Great Supper and the Prodigal Son). I will suggest they were the work of a Christian slave or freedman of the household, perhaps a member of the titulus Byzantis on the Clivus Scauri, seeking to win over those coming to honour their dead relatives in the cemetery. It was such a community that was responsible for choosing the site for the joint cult of Peter and Paul in 258. My methodology will be, in the light of scholarly disagreement over the interpretation of the paintings as Christian, (a) to demonstrate the logic of the three scenes as representing linked parables, the likely identity of their author(s) and their apologetic function, with literary support from Tertullian; (b) to show the lack of obvious pagan parallels and argue for the plausibility of parables in the light of their occurrence and function elsewhere; (c) to suggest that such evidence of a Christian presence makes more comprehensible the later choice of the site for the joint cult.

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