scholarly journals The antiseptic Miramistin: a review of its comparative in vitro and clinical activity

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Osmanov ◽  
Zara Farooq ◽  
Malcolm D Richardson ◽  
David W Denning

ABSTRACT Miramistin is a topical antiseptic with broad antimicrobial action, including activity against biofilms and a clinical profile showing good tolerability. Miramistin was developed within a framework of the Soviet Union Cold War Space Program. It is available for clinical use in several prior Soviet bloc countries, but barely known outside of these countries and there is almost no mention of miramistin in the English literature. However, considering emerging antimicrobial resistance, the significant potential of miramistin justifies its re-evaluation for use in other geographical areas and conditions. The review consists of two parts: (i) a review of the existing literature on miramistin in English, Russian and Ukrainian languages; (ii) a summary of most commonly used antiseptics as comparators of miramistin. The oral LD50 was 1200 mg/kg, 1000 mg/kg and 100 g/L in rats, mice and fish, respectively. Based on the results of the review, we suggest possible applications of miramistin and potential benefits over currently used agents. Miramistin offers a novel, low toxicity antiseptic with many potential clinical uses that need better study which could address some of the negative impact of antimicrobial, antiseptic and disinfectant resistance.

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Denise Getchell

This article reevaluates the U.S.-backed coup in 1954 that overthrew Guatemala's democratically elected president, Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán. The coup is generally portrayed as the opening shot of the Cold War in the Western Hemisphere and a watershed moment for U.S.–Latin American relations, when the United States supplanted its Good Neighbor Policy with a hardline anti-Communist approach. Despite the extensive literature on the coup, the Soviet Union's perspectives on the matter have received scant discussion. Using Soviet-bloc and United Nations (UN) archival sources, this article shows that Latin American Communists and Soviet sympathizers were hugely influential in shaping Moscow's perceptions of hemispheric relations. Although regional Communists petitioned the Soviet Union to provide support to Árbenz, officials in Moscow were unwilling to prop up what they considered a “bourgeois-democratic” revolution tottering under the weight of U.S. military pressure. Soviet leaders were, however, keen to use their position on the UN Security Council to challenge the authority of the Organization of American States and undermine U.S. conceptions of “hemispheric solidarity.” The coup, moreover, revealed the force of anti-U.S. nationalism in Latin America during a period in which Soviet foreign policy was in flux and the Cold War was becoming globalized.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-25
Author(s):  
Natalia Telepneva

On 24 February 1966, Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, was overthrown in a coup d’état. The coup rekindled a debate within the Soviet bloc about the prospects of socialism in Africa and about the appropriateness of certain policies. Soviet officials concluded that they would have to focus on establishing close relations with the armies and internal security forces of African countries. This article explores how Nkrumah's loyalists in exile and their sympathizers in Ghana attempted to launch a leftwing counter-coup in Accra in 1968 and the involvement of Warsaw Pact countries—notably the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia—in those events. The article sheds new light on “Operation ALEX,” a botched attempt by the Czechoslovak intelligence service to support Nkrumah loyalists in their plans for a countercoup. The article reexamines the late 1960s as an important period for the militarization of the Cold War in Africa and highlights the crucial role that African politicians themselves played in this process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radoslav A. Yordanov

This article examines the policies of Warsaw Pact countries toward Chile from 1964, when Eduardo Frei was elected Chilean president, until 1973, when Frei's successor, Salvador Allende, was removed in a military coup. The article traces the role of the Soviet Union and East European countries in the ensuing international campaign raised in support of Chile's left wing, most notably in support of the Chilean Communist Party leader Luis Corvalán. The account here adds to the existing historiography of this momentous ten-year period in Chile's history, one marked by two democratic presidential elections, the growing covert intervention of both Washington and Moscow in Chile's politics, mass strikes and popular unrest against Allende's government, a violent military coup, and intense political repression in the coup's aftermath. The article gives particular weight to the role of the East European countries in advancing the interests of the Soviet bloc in South America. By consulting a wide array of declassified documents in East European capitals and in Santiago, this article helps to explain why Soviet and East European leaders attached great importance to Chile and why they ultimately were unable to develop more comprehensive political, economic, and cultural relations with that South American country.


2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Michael E. Meagher ◽  

Most Americans in the 1920s and 1930s were unaware of the crimes committed in the Soviet Union. Even today, the full extent of the carnage is unknown. This essay explores the ways in which Presidents Kennedy and Reagan dealt with the contrast between the open societies of the West and the severely damage civil societies of the Soviet bloc through the rhetorical presidency. Key speeches throughout the two administrations stressed the use of presidential rhetoric as a way of challenging the communist regimes of Eastern Europe and the USSR. For both Presidents, the key rhetorical moment came in West Berlin, in 1963 and 1987, respectively. Using comparable language Kennedy and Reagan spoke of the hope offered by West Berlin to those suffering under communist rule. The highlight came when Reagan challenged the Soviet leaders to tear down the Wall separating the city. Ironically, the victory over Soviet bloc communism has not led to the elimination of communist regimes, notably China. That chapter in the struggle against communism remains yet to be written.


2006 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 635-644
Author(s):  
MARTIN H. FOLLY

The Second World War continues to be an attractive subject for scholars and even more so for those writing for a general readership. One of the more traditional areas of focus has been the ‘Big Three’ – the alliance of the United States with Britain and the Soviet Union. Public interest in the three leaders – Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin – remains high, and their decisions continue to resonate in the post-Cold War era, as demonstrated by continued (and often ahistorical) references to the decisions made at the Yalta Conference. Consequently, while other aspects of Second World War historiography have pushed into new avenues of exploration, that which has looked at the Grand Alliance has followed fairly conventional lines – the new Soviet bloc materials have been trawled to answer old questions and using the frames of reference that developed during the Cold War. This has left much to be said about the nature of the relationship of the United States with its great allies and the dynamics and processes of that alliance, and overlooked full and rounded analysis of the role of that alliance as the instrument of Axis defeat.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan P. Dobson

The U.S. strategic embargo against the Soviet bloc, adopted in 1947–1948, had been designed to restrict the supply of weapons technology to the Soviet Union and to retard Soviet economic growth. When these objectives failed to materialize by 1957, a lengthy reevaluation of the purpose, benefits, and costs of the embargo ensued. The Kennedy administration eventually concluded that the strategic embargo was an integral part of U.S. Cold War strategy and, as such, could not be abandoned without suffering important diplomatic costs. The embargo became a means of bargaining with the Soviet Union and a medium through which to convey messages. Like any other tool of statecraft, the embargo proved to be as flexible as officials wanted to make it. Even if it failed in its original purpose, it could be used in other ways.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Drake

This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
Irina V. Okunevich ◽  
Natalia N. Klyueva ◽  
Nina S. Parfenova ◽  
Elena V. Belova

The experimental large-scale investigation in vitro and in vivo is devoted to the results of a long-term study of the biological, lipid-lowering and anti-atherosclerotic activity of the original natural microbial enzyme preparation of cholesterol oxidase (CHO). In chronic experiments (rats, rabbits, dogs), low toxicity, good tolerability, and anti-atherosclerotic activity of the CHO preparation were established. To assess the effect of CHO in conditions of moderate nutritional dyslipoproteinemia, experiments were carried out in 3 species of animals (rats, guinea pigs, rabbits). It was shown the pronounced lipid-lowering effect of CHO in modeling dyslipoproteinemia.


REGIONOLOGY ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 858-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir V. Kozin ◽  
Sergey G. Ushkin

Introduction. Ethnosociological monitoring in a polyethnic region is conducted not only due to the need for an assessment of the public policy regulation in this field, but also due to the increase in the heuristic potential for preventing various kinds of social conflicts. The objective of the paper is to identify the dynamics of the development of interethnic relations in the Republic of Mordovia and the influence of various stratification processes on the development of ethnic relations, based on a comparative analysis of scientific studies. Materials and Methods. Regular sociological measurements carried out by the Research Institute of Regionology under Ogarev Mordovia State University and by the Scientific Center for Social and Economic Monitoring in 1990–2010 were used as the research materials. The interpretation of the results was carried out using the institutional, comparative and natural historical methods. Results. The main trends in the development of mass consciousness of the population of a polyethnic region in the context of various socio-political periods of the development of Russia have been revealed: from the ‘parade of sovereignties’ that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union to the reactualization of the ideology of a strong multiethnic Russian state. It has been emphasized that over the years, the main reasons exerting a negative impact on the nature of interethnic relations have mainly been not the interethnic conflicts, but the politically or economically marked factors (the economic crisis, inflation, appointment to managerial posts based on the ethnicity of a person, income inequality between representatives of different ethnic origins, etc.). Discussion and Conclusion. Although interethnic relations in the Republic of Mordovia has almost never achieved an increased level of conflict, the republic’s leadership was able to build an effective system for regulating them, which made it possible to minimize the degree of social and ethnic tension in society. The article may be useful to scientists and practitioners in the field of the development of interethnic relations and to all those interested in the issues of ethnosociology.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document