6. Strategic Culture

2018 ◽  
pp. 89-107
Author(s):  
Jeffrey S. Lantis ◽  
Darryl Howlett
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
State Behaviour ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Theoretical Issues

This chapter discusses the ways that strategic culture can be relevant to scholarship and policymaking with regard to international security. It first provides an overview of three main approaches to the study of culture and strategy, paying attention to political culture as well as the relationship between strategic culture and nuclear deterrence. It then examines various sources of strategic culture identified in the literature, along with theoretical issues related to strategic culture. In particular, it explores the link between constructivism and strategic culture, the question of continuity in state behaviour and how strategic cultural dilemmas can cause changes in security policy, and the ‘keepers’ of strategic culture. The chapter also asks whether non-state, state, and multistate actors can possess distinctive strategic cultures before concluding with an analysis of the role of strategic culture in the acquisition of — and threats to use — weapons of mass destruction (WMDs).

5. Strategic Culture

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey S. Lantis ◽  
Darryl Howlett
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
Nuclear Strategy ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
State Behaviour ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Theoretical Issues

This chapter examines the scholarly and policymaking relevance of strategic culture in the contemporary world. Strategic culture may challenge and at the same time enrich prevailing neo-realist assumptions regarding strategy and security. It bridges material and ideational explanations of state behaviour, adding valuable perspectives to understand different countries' contemporary security policy choices. The chapter first considers approaches that address the relationship between culture and nuclear strategy during the cold war before discussing theoretical issues related to strategic culture, including the contribution of constructivism to security studies; the question of ‘ownership’ of strategic culture; and whether non-state, state, and multi-state actors can possess distinctive strategic cultures. It also reviews recent work that explores the link between strategic culture and the acquisition of and threats to use weapons of mass destruction.

CHANGES IN FRANCE’S STRATEGIC CULTURE AFTER THE COLD WAR

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (32) ◽  
pp. 273-292
Author(s):  
Stanisław Zarobny
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
Social Authority ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Global Relations

The author of the article attempted to examine the main conditions and characteristics of the French strategic culture, a country with huge arms traditions and the high social authority of the armed forces in society. All this means that France has made a huge contribution to the development of theory and practice in the field of military art and strategy, as well as in shaping the order of international security. The main strategic documents of France and its activity in the international arena confirm the traditional line of French security policy and strategic culture. It is a political culture of a superpower conscious of its great past which still radiates into current and global relations of France.

Syria under Pressure

2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDERS STRINDBERG
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Wrong Side ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Sharp Criticism ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

Syria's sharp criticism of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003 opened a particularly tense phase in Syrian-American relations, culminating in the May 2004 imposition of U.S. economic sanctions under the Syria Accountability Act. While accusing Damascus of being on the ““wrong side”” in the wars against terror and Iraq, Washington has raised a number of other issues, including Syria's military presence in Lebanon, its support for Hizballah and various Palestinian factions, its alleged ““interference”” in Iraq, and its possible possession of weapons of mass destruction. This report, based on numerous interviews with government officials, analysts, opposition figures, and ordinary citizens, examines Syria's reactions to these allegations, gradual changes in Syrian political culture, and various domestic developments.

scholarly journals Key Theoretical Issues in the Interaction of Law and Religion: A Guide for the Perplexed

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2011
Author(s):  
Benjamin L. Berger
Keyword(s):  
Legal Theory ◽  
Access Point ◽  
Religious Difference ◽  
State Authority ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Religion In Public Life ◽  
Theoretical Issues

There is perhaps no more important access point into the key issues of modern political and legal theory than the questions raised by the interaction of law and religion in contemporary constitutional democracies. Of course, much classical political and moral theory was forged on the issue of the relationship between religious difference and state authority. John Locke’s work was directly influenced by this issue, writing as he did about the just configuration of state authority and moral difference in the wake of the Thirty Years’ War. Yet debates about the appropriate role of religion in public life and the challenges posed by religious difference also cut an important figure, in a variety of ways, in the writings of Hobbes, Rousseau, Spinoza, Hegel, and much of the work that we now view as being at the centre of the development of modern political philosophy.

scholarly journals The influence of weapons of mass destruction on international security in the second decade of the 21st century

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 109-141
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Wątor
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Security ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Mass Destruction ◽  
Special Significance ◽  
Force Factor ◽  
Precise Estimation

The article outlines reasons for the significant increase of the hazard posed by weapons of mass destruction in the current decade. Despite the international community’s efforts made throughout the years, it has not been possible to eliminate them, significantly lower their arsenal or prevent their building or transfer. What has increased is the importance of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear ones, as a force factor in international relations. This tendency will probably continue in the foreseeable future. Therefore, the article focuses on explaining the mechanisms of this process and its connections with numerous events and facts influencing international security. Special significance is ascribed to a precise estimation of the risk posed by weapons of mass destruction and determination of its hierarchy. Moreover, the article presents the forms and methods of the activities undertaken by countries and international organisations regarding the prevention of proliferation (via disarmament treaties and informal forums) and assesses their effectiveness.

“Soviet mentality?” The role of shared political culture in relations between the Armenian state and Russia's Armenian diaspora

2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 709-729 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin Cavoukian
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Community Organization ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Armenian Diaspora ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One ◽  
Management Institutions ◽  
The Relationship

Russia's Armenians have begun to form diaspora institutions and engage in philanthropy and community organization, much as the pre-Soviet “established” diaspora in the West has done for years. However, the Russian Armenian diaspora is seen by Armenian elites as being far less threatening due to a shared “mentality.” While rejecting the mentality argument, I suggest that the relationship hinges on their shared political culture and the use of symbols inherited from the Soviet Union in the crafting of new diaspora and diaspora-management institutions. Specifically, “Friendship of the Peoples” symbolism appears to be especially salient on both sides. However, the difference between old and new diasporas may be more apparent than real. The Russian Armenian diaspora now engages in many of the same activities as the Western diaspora, including the one most troublesome to Armenia's elites: involvement in politics.

The role of abusive supervision and organizational commitment on employees' information security policy noncompliance intention

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 1383-1405
Author(s):  
Bowen Guan ◽  
Carol Hsu
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Commitment ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Affective Commitment ◽  
Abusive Supervision ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Continuance Commitment ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Moderating Role

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the association between abusive supervision and employees' information security policy (ISP) noncompliance intention, building on affective commitment, normative commitment and continuance commitment. The study also examines the moderating effect of perceived certainty and severity of sanctions on the relationship between the three dimensions of organizational commitment and ISP noncompliance intention.Design/methodology/approachSurvey methodology was used for data collection through a well-designed online questionnaire. Data was analyzed using the structural equation model with Amos v. 22.0 software.FindingsThis study demonstrates that abusive supervision has a significant, negative impact on affective, normative and continuance commitment, and the three dimensions of organizational commitment are negatively associated with employees' ISP noncompliance intention. Results also indicate that the moderating effect of perceived severity of sanctions is significant, and perceived certainty of sanctions plays a positive moderating role in the relationship between affective commitment and employees' ISP noncompliance intention.Practical implicationsFindings of this research are beneficial for organizational management in the relationships between supervisors and employees. These results provide significant evidence that avoiding abusive supervision is important in controlling employees' ISP noncompliance behavior.Originality/valueThis research fills an important gap in examining employees' ISP noncompliance intentions from the perspective of abusive supervision and the impact of affective, normative and continuance commitment on ISP noncompliance. The study is also of great value for information systems research to examine the moderating role of perceived certainty and severity of sanctions.

scholarly journals Political Culture and State Behavior: Why Germany Confounds Neorealism

1999 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 765-803 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Duffield
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
The Past ◽  
Cultural Concepts ◽  
Cultural Variables ◽  
The Many ◽  
German Security Policy

During the past decade, a growing number of scholars have turned to cultural approaches to account for the foreign and security policies of states. Surprisingly, however, these scholars have devoted little attention to the concept that boasts the most venerable tradition in the field of political science, that of political culture, as a possible source of state behavior. This neglect is unjustified. Like other cultural variables, political culture promises to explain phenomena that are enigmatic from the perspective of leading noncultural theories, such as neorealism. Yet it applies to a broader range of cases than do the many alternative cultural concepts, such as strategic culture and organizational culture, that have been employed. I begin by describing an important puzzle in the international relations literature that suggests the need to consider culture as a variable: the failure of neorealism to predict German security policy after unification. I then assess the various cultural approaches used in recent years to explain state behavior. After noting the similarities in these approaches, I discuss the important differences that mark them and identify the reasons for the greater utility of political culture. Finally, I illustrate the explanatory power of the political culture approach by applying it to the case of German security policy since 1990.

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