Sexual Violence by the State: The Role of Political Institutions in Sexual Violence Perpetration

Author(s):  
Christopher P Willis

Abstract What explains the variation in sexual violence perpetrated by state-security forces? Prior research has suggested sexual violence is an explicit strategy of violence. More recent work has suggested sexual violence in certain contexts acts as a tolerated practice. I argue that the type of regime institutions influences the perpetration of sexual violence by deterring behavior of individuals and providing pathways to accountability. Authoritarian regimes in general have weaker institutional accountability compared to democracies. Institutions in personalist regimes in particular are geared toward preservation of personal power, rather than accountability for the regime. Regimes with higher accountability will experience lower sexual violence, while those with lower accountability experience higher perpetration. Moreover, the gendered nature of regime institutions influences perpetration of sexual violence where masculine institutions predominate. I test these predictions using cross-national data on the incidence of sexual violence, during both peace and conflict. The results suggest that personalist regimes, and especially regimes with weaker female empowerment or higher levels of corruption, experience more sexual violence. This analysis links political institutions to the toleration of sexual violence by state-security forces, underscoring the importance of institutional structure and behavior in the perpetration of sexual violence.

Medicina ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (9) ◽  
pp. 536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farfán ◽  
Peña ◽  
Topa

: Background and Objectives: This research analyzes the relationship between the lack of group support and burnout syndrome in workers of the State Security Forces and Corps, considering the role of personality traits in this relationship. In particular, it is hypothesized that neuroticism will moderate this relationship. Materials and Methods: Participants were 237 workers from the State Security Forces and Corps dedicated to tasks of citizen security. Results: The results show that neuroticism moderates the relationship between lack of group support and the three components of the burnout syndrome: emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and personal fulfillment. Conclusions: The findings are discussed, suggesting intervention strategies for the improvement of the agents’ personal well-being.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-77
Author(s):  
Paul Chambers ◽  
Napisa Waitoolkiat

This study looks at the role of Thai state security forces in the Deep South across history until early 2017. These forces include the army, navy, police and paramilitaries and have been tasked with enforcing Thai state policy toward the Deep South since the centralization of power by the Siamese monarchy over this region in 1902. After the 2014 coup, the junta initiated a policy of using both repression and negotiations with insurgent groups to achieve its aims in the Deep South. Meanwhile violence has continued. The study, using historical institutionalism, argues that Thai security forces’ preference for a hard-line policy in the Deep South has resulted in a vicious cycle of tension and violence between security officials and local Malay-Muslims which has not been conducive to peace efforts in the region. Nevertheless, any durable peace will need to satisfy military perceptions of security. Yet what has been the historical trajectory of security policy in the Deep South? What has been the policy of the ruling National Council for Peace and Order military junta toward the region? What is the likelihood of the Thai junta becoming more pragmatic regarding the Deep South in the near future? This study examines these questions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Luthfi Widagdo Eddyono

Article 24 (1) of the 1945 Constitution States after the third amendment, “the judicial power shall be independent in administering justice so as to uphold the law and equality.” The Indonesian Constitutional Court is one of the performers of the independent judicial power who plays a significant role in the enforcement of the constitution and the principle of the state based on the law by its authority and obligations as determined by the 1945 Constitution. This paper intends to study the Indonesian Constitutional Court to find out whether the Constitutional Court in exercising its constitutional authority can be independent. Also, this article will examine not just institutional independence but also judges independence to understand current issues related to the role of ethics and conduct of judges. The independence of the Indonesian Constitutional Court supported by the 1945 Constitution after the amendments from 1999 until 2002, and further stipulated in Law. However, it can be said that this institution has ups and downs of public trust due to corruption cases conducted by constitutional justices. Also, in several political instances showed efforts of political institutions to limit the authority of the Constitutional Court. In its experiences, the Constitutional Court succeeded in convincing the parties through its decisions and strengthening institutional independence against the influence that tried to destabilize its institutions. The Council of Ethics of Constitutional Judges that maintains the values and behavior of judges also continuously works and efficient enough in overseeing the ethics and conduct of judges. The decision of the Ethics Council may also be accepted as a proportional decision.


1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
pp. 18-22
Author(s):  
Walfred H. Peterson

The tables that follow together with those that appeared in the Fall, 1972 issue ofPSgive some roughly comparable data on Ph.D. output in political science for seven years. Perhaps, the most important change in the new data is the contrast between the 1975 and 1976 totals. Output fell by 77. The drop was accounted for mostly by decreases in the figures for the three sub-fields of Foreign and Cross-National Political Institutions and Behavior; International Law, Organization and Politics; and U.S. Political Institutions, Processes and Behavior.The most important changes in the presentation between this and the earlier article are these: first, the division of former Table I into Table IA and IB, each covering only two years. This change was required by the new classification of dissertation topics that began in 1975. That year two of the earlier categories were dropped—Constitutional and Administrative Law in the United States, and Canadian Government and Politics. Three new categories were added—Methodology; Political Stability, Instability and Change; and Public Policy: Formation and Content. Three were altered in both scope and terminology—Political Theory; Foreign and Cross-National Institutions and Behavior; and U.S. Political Institutions, Processes and Behavior. Only two were unaltered-Public Administration; and International Law, Organization and Politics. Given these changes, no confident comparisons can be made between any of the sub-field categories of the present and the past, though the two unaltered categories may allow for rough comparisons.


2007 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 669-687 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher K. Butler ◽  
Tali Gluch ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell

2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-118
Author(s):  
Daniel J. Howard ◽  
Roger A. Kerin

The name similarity effect is the tendency to like people, places, and things with names similar to our own. Although many researchers have examined name similarity effects on preferences and behavior, no research to date has examined whether individual differences exist in susceptibility to those effects. This research reports the results of two experiments that examine the role of self-monitoring in moderating name similarity effects. In the first experiment, name similarity effects on brand attitude and purchase intentions were found to be stronger for respondents high, rather than low, in self-monitoring. In the second experiment, the interactive effect observed in the first study was found to be especially true in a public (vs. private) usage context. These findings are consistent with theoretical expectations of name similarity effects as an expression of egotism manifested in the image and impression management concerns of high self-monitors.


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