Powers of Foreign Policy and National Defence in Federal Systems

Author(s):  
Hopkins W John
Author(s):  
Filip Ejdus

During the cold war, the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was a middle-sized power pursuing a non-aligned foreign policy and a defence strategy based on massive armed forces, obligatory conscription, and a doctrine of ‘Total National Defence’. The violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s resulted in the creation of several small states. Ever since, their defence policies and armed forces have been undergoing a thorough transformation. This chapter provides an analysis of the defence transformation of the two biggest post-Yugoslav states—Serbia and Croatia—since the end of the cold war. During the 1990s, defence transformation in both states was shaped by the undemocratic nature of their regimes and war. Ever since they started democratic transition in 2000, and in spite of their diverging foreign policies, both states have pivoted towards building modern, professional, interoperable, and democratically controlled armed forces capable of tackling both traditional and emerging threats.


Significance However, member states have the dominant foreign policy role in the EU. After Brexit, that will be France and Germany despite the United Kingdom insisting that it wants to maintain as close a relationship with the EU as possible. Impacts EU reformers will light on foreign policy as an area to drive forwarded integration. However, the EEAS lacks the competencies and institutional horsepower to be a force for integration. The strategic needs of the 27 post-Brexit EU members will be various, thus acting as a drag on integration. Smaller EU member states will see more advantage than larger ones in collectively pursuing foreign policy goals through Brussels. Larger member states will be unwilling to submit their national defence policies to greater EU authority.


1989 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
John C. Campbell ◽  
Marko Milivojevic ◽  
John B. Allcock ◽  
Pierre Maurer

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-287
Author(s):  
D. G. Dragan

The article describes the internal processes in Romania after the collapse of the communist regime. The author attempts to determine the connection between the domestic and foreign policy of the country. This issue deserves attention since Romania's National Defence Strategy 2020–2024 prioritises the strengthening of the country's resilience and at the same time increasing international political weight. Having taken this into consideration, the author evaluates the domestic policy factors which have influenced the image of Romania in the international arena.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Esterhuyse

The article traces the unfolding of the human security agenda as the primary organising framework for constructing the security outlook of the South African military. Questions are raised about the utility of human security as a conceptual basis for thinking about and the construction of defence. Human security is historically contextualised within the security conceptualisations of the 1990s. Since then, however, various geo-strategic changes in the world necessitated a return to a more traditional outlook on security and strategy. This reality was also increasingly visible in South Africa's foreign policy approaches and, more specifically, the employment of its armed forces in Africa. The article concludes by arguing, firstly, that the South African armed forces did not at any time critically question how a military should be organised, trained, and equipped for human security operations and, secondly, that the South African National Defence Force never questioned its own operational deployments through the human security perspective.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Segal

China's modernization is already rapidly improving the welfare of one quarter of mankind and changing communist ideology. But China is not only growing more stable and prosperous, it is also growing stronger. China's fourth modernization, national defence, is rarely treated in great detail, but it is increasingly clear that the reform of the defence sector is also having an important impact on both domestic and foreign policy. The process began in earnest in 1978 and by 1987 had completed its first stage of reorganization. At a major meeting of military and civilian officials in December 1986, the strategy for the next phase of military modernization was discussed.1 At the dawn of the new age of Chinese military power, it is essential to assess the implications of a stronger China for China itself, its neighbors, and the great power balance.


1972 ◽  
Vol 7 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 259-285
Author(s):  
Nils Andrén

Since the beginning of the Cold War, Sweden's security policy has been based on the principle of non-alignment between great power blocs in order to remain neutral in case of war. This basic principle is of major importance to Sweden's behaviour on the three major arenas of her foreign policy — global, European, and Nordic. In this paper the development of Sweden's present foreign policy is outlined, and the significance of a viable national defence as a corollary to non-alignment and neutrality is analysed together with the problems arising out of the inherent tension between an isolated security policy and an outward-oriented, extremely open economic policy.


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