Androgen misuse and abuse

Author(s):  
David J. Handelsman

The Nobel prize-winning identification of testosterone as the mammalian male sex hormone in 1935 was the culmination of an ancient pursuit to learn how the testis was responsible for masculine virility and superior muscular strength. Within two years, testosterone was being used clinically, and within a decade much of the clinical pharmacology and many applications were recognised (1, 2). Given its weighty historical legacy as the archetypal virilizing substance, testosterone was soon being evaluated to boost pharmacologically the muscular size and strength of healthy men beyond physiological development. In the years following the Second World War, the pharmaceutical industry undertook an extensive quest to identify an ‘anabolic steroid’, an androgen without virilizing properties. Although this proved futile, with the search abandoned, the now meaningless term ‘anabolic steroid’, perpetuating a distinction without a difference, has persisted long beyond its scientific obsolescence largely as a journalistic device for sensationalism and demonization (3). Systematic androgen abuse first appears an epidemic, with an epicentre among Eastern European elite athletes, in the mid 1950s (4). This timing coincided with the golden age of steroid pharmacology in the postwar pharmaceutical industry boom years, which produced the oral contraceptive and synthetic glucocorticoids, and with the early years of the Cold War. This fortuitous intersection of industrial means, unscrupulous operators, and political goals shaped the emergence of systematic androgen abuse as a convenient tool by which sociopolitically dysfunctional Eastern bloc countries could gain short-cut ascendancy through symbolic victories over Western political rivals, a challenge quickly reciprocated by athletes and trainers from the advanced noncommunist countries. This bidding war escalated into national sports doping programs operated covertly by Eastern European communist governments. These organized programs of unscrupulous cheating mixed competitive fraudulence with callous ruination of their athletes’ welfare for national political goals. Of these, only the East German program, with its dire consequences for athletes’ health, has so far been fully disclosed (5). Over the next 4 decades, androgen abuse became endemic in countries where the population is sufficiently affluent to support this consumer variant of drug abuse. Once entrenched in the community, androgen abuse spreads beyond elite sports, where it remains as a low level endemic, to nonsporting users with recreational, cosmetic, and occupational motivations for body-building, such as seeking to promote a fearsome muscular image (6).

English Today ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Špela MeŽek

ABSTRACTSlovenia, like many former Eastern bloc countries, is now coming to terms with the increasing popularity of English.Today English is the most widely used foreign language in Europe. It is used in business, education, science, the media, advertisements, music, graffiti, and in many other places, although its greatest use can be found in commerce, culture, science and education (Phillipson, 2003). The presence of English is felt more in some parts of Europe than in others, however. In the Scandinavian countries, for example, English manifests itself in all parts of society and the knowledge of English is so high that some consider it a second language (McArthur, 1996). In Eastern Europe, the acquisition and use of English has traditionally not been as widespread, although in recent years, the picture has changed greatly, as English has become more and more popular in what were formerly Eastern bloc countries.In many ways Slovenia has been following the trends in other Central and Eastern European countries. The influence of English has been growing since the Second World War and in particular after the end of the Cold War. Its influence has intensified even more after Slovenia became an independent country. Today, Slovenes feel both cautious and enthusiastic about English. There is extensive legislation to protect the Slovene language, while at the same time there is a ‘certain enthusiasm for both “western” ideas and the world language, English’ (Schlick, 2003: 4).


Arthur Szyk ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 217-232
Author(s):  
Joseph P. Ansell

This chapter encompasses Arthur Szyk's final years. It shows his continued dedication to freedom struggles around the world even as it contemplates on the dwindling number of exhibitions he held during this period. During this time, the United States was also turning inward after the Second World War. This attitude was one which Szyk did not share and which his work, with its liberal and international themes, did not support. Moreover, the chapter reveals his growing sympathy towards the Soviet Union, which was so evident in the political cartoons and related works from the years of alliance during the Second World War. It also shows that, by the early years of the Cold War, his health was somewhat precarious, forcing him to choose his activities carefully.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 290-317
Author(s):  
Sebastian Gehrig ◽  
James Mark ◽  
Paul Betts ◽  
Kim Christiaens ◽  
Idesbald Goddeeris

Anti-apartheid advocacy allowed Eastern Bloc countries to reframe their ideological language of solidarity towards African countries into a legalist rhetoric during the 1960s and 70s. Support for international anti-racial discrimination law and self-determination from colonial rule reinforced their ties to Africa after the disenchantment of the Hungarian Uprising. Rights activism against apartheid showcased the socialist Bloc’s active contribution to the international rise of human rights language and international law during the Cold War. By the mid-1970s, however, international rights engagement became problematic for most Eastern European states, and dissidents at home eventually appropriated the term apartheid based on decades of state-mandated international rights activism to criticise socialism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
László Zentai ◽  
Gábor Gercsák

Abstract. Cartography of the Cold War era was very characteristic in the Eastern Bloc countries. The abnormal secrecy instructions forced by military cartographic authorities (following the Soviet advisors) influenced the making of all kinds of large- and medium-scale cartographic products for public use. Most of these maps were somehow distorted, although it was not easy to implement the technology of distortions developed by cartographers in the analogue map production era in the early 1960s. Tourist maps are expected to be created using topographic maps, but the access to classified topographic maps (both civilian and military) was limited for civilian users (even for civilian national mapping agencies, at least in the early years of the Cold War era). The tourist maps of this era were quite different from country to country in the Eastern Bloc, partly due to their cartographic traditions and to the relationships between the military and civilian cartography even influenced by the users’ demands.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Ramojus Kraujelis

The fate of Lithuania and Romania as well as future of the whole Central and Eastern European region was determined in the years of the Second World War. The common origin of their tragic and painful history was the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact – the secret deal between Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, which divided Central and Eastern Europe between two totalitarian regimes. In June 1940 the three Baltic States and a part of Romania were directly occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union. The main objective of this paper is to identify, analyze and compare the attitudes of the United States and Great Britain with respect to the annexation of the Baltic States and the Romania territory and discussed the post-war future reserved to them. During the early years of the Second Word War (1940-1942) few interesting international discussions about possible post-war arrangement plans existed. The analysis of the Western attitude would enable us to give answers to certain questions: What could have been done by the Western states for the benefit of Central and Eastern European region; what have they, in fact, done and what did they avoid doing? The year 1943 witnessed the consolidation of the Western attitude with regard to Soviet Union’s western borders, which resulted in the fundamental fact that Moscow did not intend to retract its interests in the Baltic States, Eastern Poland, North Bucovina and Bessarabia while the West did not intend to fight for these territories. Considering the fact that at the Teheran conference (1943) the Western states agreed upon turning the Baltic states into a Soviet interest sphere, the United States and Britain entered the Yalta conference (1945) with no illusions as to the fate of Central and Eastern Europe in general.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
Izabella Agárdi

The article contextualizes the oral life stories of three Hungarian-speaking women and their connections to the national histories of East-Central Europe. Through these three life narratives, I argue that in reconstructing their own life stories, the women articulate historical change. The women – born in the 1920s in the aftermath of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and coming of age in a socialist Eastern bloc as citizens of different nation-states – make up a generation as well as a mnemonic community with divergent versions of their community’s past. They talk about childhood in the interwar era, their maturation during the Second World War, their married life and work during the early years of socialism and their retirement years after 1989. In so doing, they give shape to starkly different family histories and personal experiences which inform not only their political sensibilities, but also their sense of womanhood, ethnicity, social standing and assessments of the past. While placing themselves into a sequence of events, they maintain their sense of integrity and construct political subjectivities. Their stories are imprints of a deeply divided collective memory of a generation bearing all the complexities that make women’s history different from the mainstream historiographical canon.


Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

This chapter examines decolonization and the changes that took place within the European empires during the early years of the Cold War. Decolonization constituted a crucial element of the new international order after the Second World War and formed part of the broader shift in the global balance of power. The war marked the end of the European-dominated system of nation states and was followed by the decline of the major European powers, with international dominance lying for a quarter of a century with the United States, challenged only by the Soviet Union. The chapter considers the challenges to colonial rule that were evident in both Africa and Asia during the inter-war years. It also discusses the imperialism and the struggles against it that have formed part of a post-war landscape in the Middle East.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huw Dylan

This article examines British deception during the early years of the Cold War, and how a Soviet defector named Grigori Tokaev contributed to British plans and operations. Tokaev provided valuable insights into the Soviet Union, allowing British intelligence to craft more intricate deception operations, political and military. The manner in which he was used, and the extent to which his idiosyncrasies were tolerated, underline the difficulties the British authorities faced as they attempted to apply the lessons of the Second World War deception to the Cold War environment. The case offers new perspectives on both the relatively under-examined subject of British deception operations against the USSR, and the history of one of the most prominent Cold War defectors.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Dan Stone

Abstract After the Second World War, the International Tracing Service's Child Search Branch (CSB) responded to inquiries for missing children and, until 1950 when funding was stopped, searched for children ‘in the field’. As the Cold War set in, the US military authorities restricted the opportunities for such children, mostly Eastern European, to be removed from their German foster parents and returned to their countries of origin. In the spring of 1948, when tensions between the CSB fieldworkers and the military authorities were at their height, ITS appointed an experienced fieldworker, Charlotte Babinski, to investigate cases of children in German foster homes with a view to streamlining policy regarding child removal. Despite her findings, as monetary and geopolitical pressures increased, the CSB had to accept that many children of Eastern European origin would remain in Germany. Children were thus a battleground in the early Cold War, in which politics triumphed over ethics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 158-179
Author(s):  
Christian Henrich-Franke

After the Second World War, the infrastructural connections between the Western and the Eastern part of Europe were subsequently cut. The sealing of the passages through the Iron Curtain did not, however, succeed entirely. One increasingly important breach was generated by radio frequencies, which carried broadcasting programs, for example, from Radio Free Europe, straight across the Iron Curtain. This paper analyses the negotiations on the broadcasting map of Europe by focusing on the broadcasting conference of Geneva 1974/75, which moved the “Airy Curtains” much more westward. Three factors explain the Eastern European success. First, Eastern European delegations followed a coordinated strategy in contrast to the Western European ones. Second, the hierarchical ussr leadership made sure that the Eastern European countries stuck to their strategy, whereas Western European countries preferred to depend on themselves. Third, the Eastern bloc let politics and politicians rule, while in Western Europe, to the contrary, frequency allocation was a battle that was largely fought by technicians. The gap between the “political East” and the “technical West” was an important advantage for the East. Focus in this article is put on the radio stations which were situated in Berlin because the city was an important bridgehead for Western broadcasters on socialist territory.


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