Kenzo Tange

Author(s):  
Zhongjie Lin

Kenzo Tange (Tange Kenzō, b. 1913–d. 2005) was arguably the most prominent Japanese architect in the 20th century. His long career had been tied to the changing trajectory of the nation, making him an important cultural figure to study in modern Japan. Inspired by Le Corbusier since his youth, Tange followed modernism throughout his career with strong faith in its rational order, technological power, and universalizing values, yet he always tried to incorporate them with a Japanese identity and aesthetics. The triumphs in two open design competitions sponsored by the wartime militarist government lifted him to the national stage at a young age but have remained controversial since. He emerged again as the leader during the country’s postwar resurrection and economic takeoff and designed a series of national projects, including the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park, the Tokyo City Hall, and the National Olympic Gymnasiums, and led the team in the planning and design for the 1970 World Expositions in Osaka. Japan’s continuing growth of economic power in the 1970s through 1990s sent him all over the world with large-scale designs in Macedonia, Italy, Singapore, Middle East, Africa, and the United States, among other nations. Tange was also an influential urbanist, an aspect that has in the early 21st century drawn greater interest of scholarship. His seminal work of city design was the 1960 Plan for Tokyo, which articulated a spectacular though incremental expansion of a linear megastructure cross the Tokyo Bay to carry a new city of five million to decentralize the overcrowded metropolis and basically influenced all his ensuing attempts of inventing inclusive urban frameworks for the transforming postindustrial cities. This endeavor was shared by the architects of Metabolism, who launched the avant-garde movement that Tange helped flourish in the 1960s. Tange’s collaborations with artists, critics, and photographers, as well as his constant engagement in global intellectual exchanges, also generated rich outcomes and served his aspiration for Japan’s cultural identity and international influence, manifest in his coauthored accounts on the Katsura Villa and Ise Shrine, respectively, as well as in Expo ’70. As an accomplished educator, Tange taught for most of his career at the University of Tokyo. His architectural laboratory there and the Department of Urban Engineering that he cofounded have trained generations of Japanese architectural and urban thinkers and practitioners. The author would like to thank Professor Yatsuka Hajime in Tokyo and Yihan Yin of University of Pennsylvania for their inputs to this article.

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-28
Author(s):  
T. Alekseeva ◽  
V. Nazarov ◽  
D. Afinogenov

The article examines evolution of scholarly approaches towards the phenomenon of the “national security.” By the early 21st century this notion found its way in the official strategic documents of a wide range of states. The authors examine the Russian and international record of analysis in the field of national security, and assess the adequacy of existing views on this subject taking in the account emerging threats, risks and challenges, as well as the tasks of sustainable development of a country in the social, economic, political, information, spiritual and other areas. They start by presenting the early conceptualizations of this term in the debates of American experts in the 1950s and the 1960s. An important innovation of that period was disentanglement of the national security from purely territorial and military threat, by preparing for other types of contingencies. The article additionally examines the struggle between two alternative approaches towards protecting the national security in the United States: the one founded on unilateral domination and the other prioritizing collective actions. It demonstrates that the one important result of the Western debates was the emergence of a new field of study defined by policy relevant studies, which produce useful, original, and verifiable inferences, which are then injected in decision-making process. In order to promote a similar institutionalized expertise, the article suggests seceding the study of the national security in a separate discipline. This step will enable to further promote the training of specialists not only in the field of national security and strategic planning, but also political scientists and future specialists for the public service. The need for this is obviously related to the tasks of improving the quality of policy making and strategic planning in the Russian Federation, the implementation of national projects in an extremely complex international environment.


Age of Iron ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 70-104
Author(s):  
Colin Dueck

This chapter describes the efforts of various Republican presidents and congressional leaders to strike balances between nationalist and internationalist priorities between the 1960s and 2015. Barry Goldwater championed a hawkish Sunbelt conservatism that in the long run helped remake the Republican Party. President Nixon pursued a foreign policy based upon assumptions of great-power politics and realpolitik. President Reagan led an ideologically charged effort at anti-Communist rollback, although he was careful not to overextend the United States in any large-scale wars on the ground. Republicans during the Clinton presidency struggled to reformulate conservative foreign policy assumptions in the wake of the Soviet Union’s collapse. George W. Bush remade conservative foreign policy into a war on terror, aiming at the democratization of the Greater Middle East. Finally, during the presidency of Barack Obama, Republican foreign policy factions once again splintered, paving the way for a conservative nationalist resurgence.


Author(s):  
Rachel Donaldson

The origin story of public history in the United States dates this profession, practice, and field of study back to the social movements and social/cultural turn of academic history of the 1960s and 70s, directly tying the emergence of professional public history to the political ethos of the New Left. However, exploring earlier efforts in professional public-facing historical work reveals the formative influence of the Old Left on the various fields that would come to fall under the purview of public history. This article traces that connection specifically through the Radio Research Project (RRP), a large-scale series of history-oriented programs produced by the Library of Congress beginning in 1941 that were designed to educate Americans in US history, to encourage citizens to embrace civic ideals such as cultural and political democracy, and to thwart the spread of fascism. Disconnecting the rise of public history from its perceived origins in the New Left through exploring programs like the RRP not only reveals a longer history of the profession, but also challenges accepted interpretations of the types of political and social views that provide the historical foundation of contemporary practice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-107
Author(s):  
Robin Balliger

Large-scale arts-led urban regeneration strategies are typically distinguished from the grassroots authenticity of community art projects, but this article examines how the trope of community facilitates gentrification in Oakland, California. Community murals of the 1960s to 1990s played a critical social role by making visible minority concerns and galvanizing movements for social justice, but questions emerge about contemporary community art in relation to neoliberal values and urban precarity. The Black neighbourhood of West Oakland has been resistant to gentrification due to decades of disinvestment and through robust activism against displacement in one of the most progressive cities in the United States. Based on longitudinal ethnographic research and situated visual analysis, I show how neighbourhood resistance was only overcome when change appeared to come from the ‘community’ itself, through the specific imagery and spatiality of community mural projects that resignify the neighbourhood to accommodate gentrification. I critique gentrification as a dualistic insider and outsider dynamic; such structural analysis elides ‘community’ as a contested category that may be complicit with urban restructuring. Real-estate interests also appropriate signifiers of ‘community’ to reshape neighbourhood identity, valorize property, and police public space. I argue that in West Oakland the ‘community mural’ is vertically integrated in municipal and capital logics that serve to dis-embed, rather than support, historic neighbourhood populations.


Author(s):  
Michelle Pieri ◽  
Davide Diamantini

Pownell and Bailey (2001) identify four “technological trends” in the relationship between Information and Communication Technologies and educational environments. In the 1960s the first computers, which were very large and extremely expensive were rarely used in the educational area. They were only used to help in administration and in management. In the seventies with the arrival of the personal computer, schools in several countries, as in the United States, introduced computer basic courses to help students learn the use of this new technology. In the nineties the large-scale diffusion of Internet and the World Wide Web lead to a huge number of people who communicated through a computer mediated communication. At last in 2000, extremely small computers were sold on the market and the era of wireless connections began. These two factors in the educational field encouraged the beginning and the development of mobile learning.


Author(s):  
D. Bradford Hunt

Public housing emerged during the New Deal as a progressive effort to end the scourge of dilapidated housing in American cities. Reformers argued that the private market had failed to provide decent, safe, and affordable housing, and they convinced Congress to provide deep subsidies to local housing authorities to build and manage modern, low-cost housing projects for the working poor. Well-intentioned but ultimately misguided policy decisions encouraged large-scale developments, concentrated poverty and youth, and starved public housing of needed resources. Further, the antipathy of private interests to public competition and the visceral resistance of white Americans to racial integration saddled public housing with many enemies and few friends. While residents often formed tight communities and fought for improvements, stigmatization and neglect undermined the success of many projects; a sizable fraction became disgraceful and tangible symbols of systemic racism toward the nation’s African American poor. Federal policy had few answers and retreated in the 1960s, eventually making a neoliberal turn to embrace public-private partnerships for delivering affordable housing. Housing vouchers and tax credits effectively displaced the federal public housing program. In the 1990s, the Clinton administration encouraged the demolition and rebuilding of troubled projects using vernacular “New Urbanist” designs to house “mixed-income” populations. Policy problems, political weakness, and an ideology of homeownership in the United States meant that a robust, public-centered program of housing for use rather than profit could not be sustained.


Author(s):  
Alex Elkins

Rioting in the United States since 1800 has adhered to three basic traditions: regulating communal morality, defending community from outside threats, and protesting government abuse of power. Typically, crowds have had the shared interests of class, group affiliation, geography, or a common enemy. Since American popular disorder has frequently served as communal policing, the state—especially municipal police—has had an important role in facilitating, constraining, or motivating unrest. Rioting in the United States retained strong legitimacy and popular resonance from 1800 to the 1960s. In the decades after the founding, Americans adapted English traditions of restrained mobbing to more diverse, urban conditions. During the 19th century, however, rioting became more violent and ambitious as Americans—especially white men—asserted their right to use violence to police heterogeneous public space. In the 1840s and 1850s, whites combined the lynch mob with the disorderly crowd to create a lethal and effective instrument of white settler sovereignty both in the western territories and in the states. From the 1860s to the 1930s, white communities across the country, particularly in the South, used racial killings and pogroms to seize political power and establish and enforce Jim Crow segregation. Between the 1910s and the 1970s, African Americans and Latinos, increasingly living in cities, rioted to defend their communities against civilian and police violence. The frequency of rioting declined after the urban rebellions of the 1960s, partly due to the militarization of local police. Yet the continued use of aggressive police tactics against racial minorities has contributed to a surge in rioting in US cities in the early 21st century.


Criminology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Schmalleger ◽  
Cassandra Atkin-Plunk

Prisons in the United States and Western European nations have a rich history, with the use of confinement as a form of punishment dating back to medieval times. Throughout the centuries, scholars and penal reformers have widely documented reform efforts and the shift in punishment philosophies. This shift resulted in corporal punishment methods being abandoned and replaced with incarceration. During the 17th and 18th centuries, the confinement of criminals in prisons expanded across the United States and Europe. As the use of prisons as punishment became common practice, penal innovations throughout continental Europe influenced the development of competing prison discipline systems in the United States. The opposing systems in the United States in turn promoted a change in penal practices across Europe. The state of early prison systems has been well documented, from first-hand accounts of abysmal conditions in early European prisons to historical examinations of physical prison structures. Scholars have conducted case studies of historical penal institutions as well as examined the history of women in prison, which paints a vivid picture of prisons throughout history. Historians and scholars also place great emphasis on reform efforts of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, where authors cite social transformations, ideological shifts, economic changes, and political events that resulted in the widespread use of incarceration that continues in the early 21st century. The 1970s is arguably the most pivotal decade in the recent history of prisons, where the United States witnessed a sweeping change in the political climate. This change resulted in a transformation of penal and sentencing policies, which ultimately resulted in mass incarceration practices in the United States, and to a lesser extent in Europe. A substantial amount of scholarly research on trends in the correctional population emerged in the 1990s and 2000s. The consequences of the unprecedented increase in incarceration have also been examined, particularly with regard to the large-scale incarceration of minorities. Overall, the numerous historical accounts of prison development and penal practices throughout time will help researchers and students alike gain a comprehensive understanding of the history of prisons in the United States and Europe.


Author(s):  
Niamh Thornton

Mexico has had a powerful indigenous film industry, although there have been peaks and troughs. One of the peaks was in the 1930s–1950s, which has been, not uncontroversially, described as the Golden Age (edad de oro) of Mexican cinema. It was a time when studios, modeled after those in the United States and supported by generous government funding through a film bank, made hundreds of films. The short turnover in production frequently led to repetition in narrative, wardrobe, character, set, and technical style. This means of production was cheap and highly productive, and because film was a popular form of entertainment in Mexico and elsewhere, it was lucrative. The studios went into decline in the 1960s with the arrival of television, changes in audience tastes, diminishing government support, and the opening of the first film schools and their associated film societies. During this period, B-movies flourished while art cinema had a strong run in production terms and critical praise, if not in audience attendance figures. The 1980s saw an overall decline in filmmaking in volume and quality, and this pattern continued for many years. Mexican film criticism as it evolved inside and outside of the academy grew out of a period of change in the 1960s and has remained consistently and primarily focused on historical and contextual analysis. The year 1992 was a major turning point for the attention given to Mexican cinema, most particularly outside of Mexico. The considerable box office success of Como agua para chocolate/Like Water for Chocolate (Alfonso Arau) in that year led to more focused academic interest from abroad. This attention has subsequently multiplied exponentially with Alejandro González Iñárritu’s Amores perros (2000) breakthrough hit, his move to transnational filmmaking, and the international successes of others such as Guillermo del Toro, Alfonso Cuarón, and Carlos Reygadas. The field has grown globally with critics both inside and outside of Mexico energized by this international and transnational focus. In the early 21st century, there is a curious confluence of apparently contradictory elements at play whereby Mexican filmmaking is at one of its lowest points of production in terms of volume, while it is garnering significant international scholarly and popular attention. This annotated bibliography cannot prove to be exhaustive but should provide pointers to useful exemplary texts for those wanting to gain an understanding of Mexican film.


2018 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Nidia Bañuelos

In the 1960s and '70s, police reformers lost two important battles in the struggle to develop an educated and professionalized police force. First, they were forced out of the American Society of Criminology—an organization they had founded—by sociologists. Second, the School of Criminology at Berkeley closed amid large-scale protests from students. In its heyday, the School of Criminology was the most respected program in the world for the study of police by police and for providing officers with a liberal arts education. This essay documents these failures and explains how they gave rise to criminal justice—the academic discipline that has replaced police science at colleges and universities across the United States. California law enforcement—particularly the protégés of Berkeley police chief August Vollmer—are the key actors in this story. They participated in critical conversations about the role of police in a democratic society and envisioned a future for police work that has yet to come to fruition.


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