Slave Names and Naming in the Anglophone Atlantic

Author(s):  
Margaret Williamson

The naming of slaves has not been treated in dedicated monographs, but it often figures in general accounts of plantation culture and the practices of enslavement. Questions about slave naming intersect with some of the major debates in slavery studies (especially regarding Creolization and the formation of Atlantic Creoles) and can illuminate issues about the ethnicity of African slaves, the personhood and agency of those enslaved, the nature of kinship structures among the enslaved, and the survival of African cultural practices in the diaspora. There has been disagreement about whether it was slaveholders or the enslaved who gave the recorded names. Practices undoubtedly varied, and different archival sources may yield different conclusions. In addition to time and place, a likely variable is whether the birth rate, in a severely overworked and maltreated population, was sufficient to ensure a relatively stable population over several generations, or whether the high mortality associated with slavery led to declining numbers and hence to the frequent acquisition of new slaves. Slaveholders often renamed newly acquired slaves; but self-naming by slaves, which also occurred, is likely to be underreported in the records, which were mainly created by and for slaveholders. Also largely unrecorded are the alternative names the enslaved used among themselves, sometimes called “country names” or “basket names”; they may also, according to African practice, have had multiple names over a lifetime. There are issues, too, about how to interpret the recorded names, which have been classified in different ways depending on researchers’ interests. Major types on which most would agree are European place and literary names, European personal names in hypocoristic (pet or diminutive) form, biblical and classical names, and names of African origin. Many names, whether African derived or English, refer to birth circumstances, including both the ubiquitous day-names, which derive from the West African Akan-Twi language group, and others such as birth order and time of birth (e.g., day of the week, month, or season). But the meanings of names certainly evolved over time, and some have argued that the principles according to which an individual name was given (e.g., after a relative or ancestor) are at least as important as its apparent meaning and type. Slaves were generally listed with just one name and thus with little to none of the genealogical information recorded for free whites. It is these single names that have been most often studied. However, the enslaved occasionally had surnames, which became normal leading up to and after emancipation as a mark of assimilation into free society. Surnames (not always those of former owners) would then be adopted as family names by former slaves and their descendants. Newly emancipated slaves also frequently chose new first names, discarding those associated with slavery. Analyzing Creole names, especially those of African origin, demands a combination of historical and linguistic expertise that has not yet been systematically applied to slave names.

2021 ◽  
pp. 104837132199066
Author(s):  
Vimari Colón-León

Bomba is an emblematic Puerto Rican musical genre that emerged 400 years ago from the colonial plantations where West African slaves and their descendants worked. It remains one of the most popular forms of folk music on the island and serves as significant evidence of its rich African heritage. This article explores the main components of bomba by making them more accessible to those that have not experienced it from an insider’s perspective. The material presented in this article provides a learning sequence that could take the form of several lessons, or even a curricular unit. Transcriptions of rhythms typically learned aurally are also included.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita Peyroteo Stjerna ◽  
Luciana Gaspar Simões ◽  
Ricardo Fernandes ◽  
Gonçalo Lopes ◽  
Torsten Günther ◽  
...  

PLoS ONE ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. e0188804 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kennady K. Bullock ◽  
Carrie L. Shaffer ◽  
Andrew W. Brooks ◽  
Ousman Secka ◽  
Mark H. Forsyth ◽  
...  

2006 ◽  
pp. 483-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dejan Dzelebdzic

The present paper deals with personal names mentioned by Demetrios Chomatenos which can with some certainty be identified as Slavic in origin. For the greater part, these are well-known Slavic names, often of Common Slavic origin, also attested in other Slavic languages. A couple of uncommon names is also attested, such as Svinjilo and Svinja (Sb?niloz, Sbina). Among the names of non-Slavic origin, it is the Saints' names that are most commonly found, but some others are attested as well, like Kuman, Sarakin or Kandid all of them well known among the South Slavs. The Slavonic ethnicity of the carriers of these names can as a rule be established by tracing their family relations. In the course of the 11th and 12th centuries, family names became quite common and stable in Byzantium, at least with aristocratic families. As first noted by Jacques Lefort, some paroikoi on the territories belonging to the monasteries of the Holy Mountain had family names, too, but these tended to appear sporadically and to disappear after some time. Demetrios Chomatenos' judicial decisions show that at that period family names were carried by the majority of the inhabitants of Byzantine Macedonia, Epirus and other regions (including women, sometimes even monks), not only the members of the elite. However, the Slavic population of these regions still often stuck to the ancient custom of naming a person only with a personal name sometimes supplemented by a patronymic. This notwithstanding, more than twenty persons did have, apart from their Slavic name, another one, usually of Christian origin. Although the data do not always allow for an unequivocal identification of the functions of each of these names, it can be safely assumed that they are not instances of double personal names, but rather that the name of Christian origin functions as a personal name, the Slavic one as a family name. This is quite certain for the family of Svinjilos from Berroia (Ponem. Diaph. 81) and very probable for the family of Ljutovojs (Litobonz) from Skoplje (59). People with double names are usually persons of some importance, members of local aristocracy, imperial clerks or high representatives of the clergy, which is indicated by the fact that their names are often preceded by epithets like megaliphaestatoz, pansebastoz sebastoz, kyr or by administrative titles like arch?n. Family names are usually not grammatically different from personal names, mostly because it was common to simply take a personal name of an ancestor as the family name without further modifications, just like in Byzantine families. Chomatianos' judicial decisions yield only two derived family names, both formed from a Slavic stem with the Greek suffix -poyloz (Bogdanopoyloz, Serbopoyloz). Family names among the Slavs are attested at the same period in Dalmatian towns, whereas they are virtually unknown in the areas predominantly inhabited by Serbs, as evident from the Chrysobulls of Decani and other Serbian medieval documents.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judit Takács

Personal name – ethnic stereotypes – prejudices. Findings of an examination The paper examines categorization and stereotypes from the perspective of social psychology, using the findings of so-called type creation and prototype theory. In connection with a group of personal names, i.e. the names that can be related to Roma ethnic groups, the author analyses the processes of developing stereotypes and prejudices, focusing primarily on how proper names as potential information sources to judge ethnic categories are involved in developing stereotypes. The author’s findings show that the correlation between the examined ethnic-marking first and/or family names (Levente Szabó, Bence Orsós, Rikárdó Kovács, Renátó Lakatos) and the assessments of the papers handed in is insignificant. Even the strongest correlation based on variation analysis is insignificant, which means that the results deduced from over 300 assessments examined by the author do not support the assumed connection between ethno-stereotypical names and lower grades in school. With respect to the examined typical ethnic-marking name form consisting of both a first and a family name (Renátó Lakatos) positive discrimination cannot be unambiguously proven either on the basis of the materials at hand.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 263-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katalin Misad

The use of personal names by minority Hungarians, both men and women, varies not only according to the circumstances of the country where they live but also from community to community and even from individual to individual. This study focuses on different forms of first (given) names and family names (surnames) characteristic of female ethnic Hungarians living in Slovakia, including the usage of the Slovak feminine suffix -ová with Hungarian surnames of women. The paper also discusses the topic of relevant legislation – laws and regulations – concerning the use of personal names of members of national minorities which, to a great extent and especially for women, can influence the choice of the form of their given name and surname


The hajj, or greater pilgrimage to Mecca, is required of every able-bodied and financially capable Muslim at least once in their lifetime. As such, it comes as no surprise that wherever Islam spreads, a pilgrimage tradition also emerges. In line with this reality, records of the first West African conversions to Islam contain indications about their pilgrimage journeys. Early Arab sources about pilgrims to Mecca notably contain references to al-Barnawi and al-Takruri, pilgrims from the Kingdoms of Borno and Takrur (11th century). It is, however, important to note that, because of the generic use of the appellation “Takarir” in these early sources to refer to pilgrims of West African origin, it is not always possible to ascertain their exact provenance. Royal pilgrims from the kingdoms of Borno and Takrur, as well as from the Kingdom of Mali, feature prominently in the existing literature on West African pilgrims to Mecca. Up to the end of the 19th century, pilgrimages were undertaken for three main interwoven reasons: piety, trade, and the search for knowledge. One could add for diplomatic reasons, particularly in the case of royal pilgrimages, as well as credentialing reasons for scholars seeking to establish their credibility. At the turn of the 20th century, the advent of the colonial state and technological innovations led to major changes in this pilgrimage tradition. A journey hitherto done on foot or camelback could now be undertaken by steamboat and, subsequently, by plane. In addition, technological innovations brought about the democratization of sources of knowledge, making the search for knowledge a far less salient objective of pilgrims to Mecca. The advent of the colonial state also brought about a structure (control) over the organization of pilgrimages hitherto absent. Requiring a travel document and having specific health requirements (immunization) led to a limitation on the number of those who could undertake the journey any given year. This limitation would later be a contributing factor in the rise to prominence of local pilgrimage (ziyara) practices. Toward the end of the 19th century, several charismatic Sufi figures emerged in West Africa. Today, their mausoleums have become important Sufi shrines, engendering a rich tradition of pious visitation or ziyara. Some of the most prominent of these “pious visitations” take place in present-day Senegal and in northern Nigeria, bringing together millions of pilgrims from the subregion and the diaspora. As such, paying attention to Islamic pilgrimage traditions in West Africa, both hajj and ziyara, can yield germane insights into some of the forces shaping the practice of Islam in the region.


Walking Raddy ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 89-108
Author(s):  
Jennifer Atkins

Baby Dolls embodied the rambunctious, ambulatory dance practices of New Orleans' African-American community, playing with ragtime dancing, a style in conversation with early twentieth century music. Baby Doll dancing referenced their contemporary situation, empowering them through ribald street jaunts full of dynamism, while also relating to other cultural practices like jazz funerals and connecting them to a historical legacy that traced back to Congo Square (and earlier). Essential to Congo Square, where the Bamboula dance featured prominently, was that West African dance aesthetics persevered but also blended with sociocultural ideas influenced by its New Orleans context. Improvisation was key. Dancing, whether in Congo Square or ragtime style, highlighted spontaneity and a spirited—even competitive—style that cultivated agency while acknowledging a communal presence. These moments (and movement) were vibrant, illuminating Baby Dolls as innovators within a rich, cultural tradition that left troubles behind as liveliness surged through their dancing processions.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document