scholarly journals The Characteristics of Hungarian Women’s Names in Slovakia

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 263-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katalin Misad

The use of personal names by minority Hungarians, both men and women, varies not only according to the circumstances of the country where they live but also from community to community and even from individual to individual. This study focuses on different forms of first (given) names and family names (surnames) characteristic of female ethnic Hungarians living in Slovakia, including the usage of the Slovak feminine suffix -ová with Hungarian surnames of women. The paper also discusses the topic of relevant legislation – laws and regulations – concerning the use of personal names of members of national minorities which, to a great extent and especially for women, can influence the choice of the form of their given name and surname

2017 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Katarína Misadová

Abstract Usage of personal names of Hungarians - both women and men - as members of a national minority varies not only according to the circumstances of the country which represents homeland to them, but also it varies from specific Hungarian speaking community to community and even from individual to individual. The study focuses on different forms of first (given) names and family names (surnames) characteristic of female Hungarians living in Slovakia, including the usage of the feminine suffix -ová in Hungarian surnames of women. The paper also discusses the topic of particular legislation, regulations and directives concerning the usage of personal names of members of national minorities which, to a large extent especially with women, can influence the choice of the form of their given name and surname.


2006 ◽  
pp. 483-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dejan Dzelebdzic

The present paper deals with personal names mentioned by Demetrios Chomatenos which can with some certainty be identified as Slavic in origin. For the greater part, these are well-known Slavic names, often of Common Slavic origin, also attested in other Slavic languages. A couple of uncommon names is also attested, such as Svinjilo and Svinja (Sb?niloz, Sbina). Among the names of non-Slavic origin, it is the Saints' names that are most commonly found, but some others are attested as well, like Kuman, Sarakin or Kandid all of them well known among the South Slavs. The Slavonic ethnicity of the carriers of these names can as a rule be established by tracing their family relations. In the course of the 11th and 12th centuries, family names became quite common and stable in Byzantium, at least with aristocratic families. As first noted by Jacques Lefort, some paroikoi on the territories belonging to the monasteries of the Holy Mountain had family names, too, but these tended to appear sporadically and to disappear after some time. Demetrios Chomatenos' judicial decisions show that at that period family names were carried by the majority of the inhabitants of Byzantine Macedonia, Epirus and other regions (including women, sometimes even monks), not only the members of the elite. However, the Slavic population of these regions still often stuck to the ancient custom of naming a person only with a personal name sometimes supplemented by a patronymic. This notwithstanding, more than twenty persons did have, apart from their Slavic name, another one, usually of Christian origin. Although the data do not always allow for an unequivocal identification of the functions of each of these names, it can be safely assumed that they are not instances of double personal names, but rather that the name of Christian origin functions as a personal name, the Slavic one as a family name. This is quite certain for the family of Svinjilos from Berroia (Ponem. Diaph. 81) and very probable for the family of Ljutovojs (Litobonz) from Skoplje (59). People with double names are usually persons of some importance, members of local aristocracy, imperial clerks or high representatives of the clergy, which is indicated by the fact that their names are often preceded by epithets like megaliphaestatoz, pansebastoz sebastoz, kyr or by administrative titles like arch?n. Family names are usually not grammatically different from personal names, mostly because it was common to simply take a personal name of an ancestor as the family name without further modifications, just like in Byzantine families. Chomatianos' judicial decisions yield only two derived family names, both formed from a Slavic stem with the Greek suffix -poyloz (Bogdanopoyloz, Serbopoyloz). Family names among the Slavs are attested at the same period in Dalmatian towns, whereas they are virtually unknown in the areas predominantly inhabited by Serbs, as evident from the Chrysobulls of Decani and other Serbian medieval documents.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judit Takács

Personal name – ethnic stereotypes – prejudices. Findings of an examination The paper examines categorization and stereotypes from the perspective of social psychology, using the findings of so-called type creation and prototype theory. In connection with a group of personal names, i.e. the names that can be related to Roma ethnic groups, the author analyses the processes of developing stereotypes and prejudices, focusing primarily on how proper names as potential information sources to judge ethnic categories are involved in developing stereotypes. The author’s findings show that the correlation between the examined ethnic-marking first and/or family names (Levente Szabó, Bence Orsós, Rikárdó Kovács, Renátó Lakatos) and the assessments of the papers handed in is insignificant. Even the strongest correlation based on variation analysis is insignificant, which means that the results deduced from over 300 assessments examined by the author do not support the assumed connection between ethno-stereotypical names and lower grades in school. With respect to the examined typical ethnic-marking name form consisting of both a first and a family name (Renátó Lakatos) positive discrimination cannot be unambiguously proven either on the basis of the materials at hand.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Muhammad Aiz

This article proves that an existence of women as a judges has continuously became a debatable issue. Furthermore this article agrees with Ibn Jarir al-T}abari that allows men and women to become muftis or judges. This article is in line with Euis Nurlaelawati and Arskal Salim’s argument stating that the high sensitivity of women judges may lead to problem in judges decision making. This research used normative approaches, that may applied and analyzed based on related laws and regulations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-234
Author(s):  
Alek Alek

Indonesia is the home to a vast array of cultures and many unique languages that are the mother tongues of these various islands and cultural groups. One of these is Bima language. Greeting systems and the address of personal names has long been a question of great interest in linguistic fields, especially sociolinguistic study. The main objective of the recent study was to answer some of the main issues as follows: (1) What are name variations in the greeting practices using in the Bima language? (2) How are the name variations applied in daily interactions of the Bima language? (3) Which syllables which are dominantly chosen in greeting terms? The results of my research will present the variations in the greeting system and address of personal names and their variety. Those variations are either at the beginning, the middle or the end of the syllables. However, none of the Bima people’s names begin with a consonant: “C, P, V, and X” as well as the vowel O.” it will also show that the variation of greeting practices and address of names applied in the daily interactions of the Bima language are different for men and women. The effort of maintaining the local style is essential to preserving and investigating as part of the national language because the position and function of the local languages are significant to the contribution and the progress and standardization of the national language. Keywords: Greeting practices, Bima language, and cultural significance


1994 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-271
Author(s):  
Iver Bernstein

It is not surprising that an era that saw the creation of much of the America that we know—its mass political parties, sustained capitalist growth, individualistic creed, modern labor, feminist and moral reform movements, and formalized racism—witnessed intense moral controversy. The Jacksonian period posed in its starkest form what Edmund S. Morgan has called the central “paradox” of American history—the “marriage” of slavery and freedom, each of them expanding by leaps and bounds, each doing so increasingly within its own sphere. This was a time when many Americans were seized, as never before, with an intensely self-seeking and accumulating spirit. It was also a period when Americans' collective national mission, suffused with benevolent dreams of “righteous liberty and opportunity that would surpass all worldly limits,” was frequently invoked, sometimes in support of the claims of interest and law, and other times in ways that challenged authority justified purely in terms of selfish interest, positivistic application of the law, or coercive force. All this is to say that in the epoch from the end of the War of 1812 to the eve of the Civil War, moral dispute among different groups of Americans—parties and factions, classes, races and the national minorities, vested and emerging interests, masters and slaves, men and women—was often ferocious.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 411-422
Author(s):  
Monika Krošláková ◽  
Radoslava Mečiar

Abstract Despite the laws and regulations that should ensure equal gender treatment, women are still disadvantaged in all businesses and public sector. This discrimination is manifested particularly in the approach to jobs, financial evaluation, political nominations and opportunities of developing their abilities regardless of gender. The gender differences in work and public life remain even today the most visible evidence of inequality between men and women in our society. The gender equality is one of the fundamental principles of EU law and all its member countries committed to be in the compliance with it. This article reviews the current state of gender equality in EU.


Author(s):  
Резида Ахметьяновна Сулейманова

Статья посвящена изучению башкирских фамилий, восходящих к древним охранительным (апотропеическим) личным именам, призванным отвратить «злые силы» от новорожденного, вышедшим из употребления и отсутствующим в современном башкирском именнике. Основным источником данного исследования послужили башкирские фамилии, зафиксированные в сборнике документов «Формулярные списки о службе чиновников Башкирско-мещерякского войска за 1836–1842 годы», вышедшем в двух книгах (2012, 2014 гг.), в которых опубликованы документы второй четверти XIX в., в первую очередь, формулярные списки чиновников Башкирско-мещерякского войска. Сравнительно-историческое исследование значений отдельных личных имен на общетюркском фоне проводилось с опорой на данные, извлеченные из «Древнетюркского словаря» и «Башкирских шэжэрэ» Р. Г. Кузеева. На основе трудов этнокультурной направленности не только в области тюркских народов, но и восточных славян, было установлено, что происхождение многих охранительных имен связано с обрядом купли-продажи ребенка, в частности, это имена на основе лексем һатыу ‘продавать’, түләү ‘платить’, табыу ‘находить’, ҡал в значении ‘(этот) не умер, остался’, торһон, в которую вложено значение йәшәһен, үлмәһен ‘пусть живет, останется’, туҡта ‘стой, остановись’. Защищенным, по мнению древних башкир, считался и тот ребенок, который, по условиям старинного обряда, пролежал в собачьей конуре рядом с ее хозяином и был наречен именем, содержащим в своей основе лексему эт ‘собака’. Защитными силами, по мнению древних башкир, обладали также и названия камней и минералов, такие как, алтын ‘золото’, көмөш ‘серебро’, булат ‘булат’ и, конечно же, тимер ‘железо’, на которое обменивали ребенка во время мнимой купли-продажи. В целях защиты от злых сил у древних башкир существовала также традиция нарекания ребенка плохим именем (к примеру, Бузук, Яманбай и т. д.). В особую группу выделяются и охранительные личные имена с компонентом иш ‘пара, чета’, которым нарекали детей, если предыдущие их братья либо сестры не выживали. Все рассмотренные нами охранительные личные имена, являющиеся отражением обряда купли-продажи младенца, а также веры народа в силу слова, в настоящее время бытуют в основном лишь в фамилиях. The article is devoted to the study of Bashkir surnames that go back to the ancient protective (apotropic) personal names, designed to ward off "evil forces" from a newborn, which are obsolete and absent in the modern Bashkir name list. The main source of this study was the Bashkir surnames recorded in the collection of documents "Formulary lists on the service of officials of the Bashkir-Meshcheryak army for 1836-1842", published in two books (2012, 2014), in which documents of the second quarter of the 19th century were published. , first of all, formular lists of officials of the Bashkir-Meshcheryak army. A comparative-historical study of the meanings of individual personal names against the general Turkic background was carried out based on data extracted from the “Ancient Turkic dictionary” and “Bashkir shezhere” by R. G. Kuzeeva. On the basis of ethnocultural works not only in the field of the Turkic peoples, but also of the Eastern Slavs, it was established that the origin of many protective names is associated with the ritual of buying and selling a child, in particular, these are names based on the lexemes katyu 'sell', tүlәү 'pay' , tabyu 'find', al in the meaning '(this) did not die, remained', tor ,on, in which the meaning of yshәһen is embedded, үlmәһen 'let him live, stay', tuҡta 'stop, stop'. Protected, according to the ancient Bashkirs, was considered the child who, according to the terms of the old rite, lay in a dog kennel next to its owner and was named with a name containing the lexeme et ‘dog’. The names of stones and minerals, such as altyn 'gold', kөmөsh 'silver', bulat 'bulat' and, of course, timer 'iron', for which the child was exchanged during the imaginary purchase and sale. In order to protect against evil forces, the ancient Bashkirs also had a tradition of criticizing a child with a bad name (for example, Buzuk, Yamanbai, etc.). Protective personal names with the ish ‘couple, couple’ component, which were given to children if their previous brothers or sisters did not survive, also stand out in a special group. All the protective personal names we have considered, which are a reflection of the ceremony of buying and selling a baby, as well as the people's belief in the power of the word, are currently mainly found in surnames.


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