Appraising Value

Race Brokers ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 116-142
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Korver-Glenn

This chapter analyzes how appraisers assess home value. It demonstrates that despite surface changes to appraisal requirements, the logic and methods guiding contemporary appraisers’ work reflected the explicitly racist appraisal logic and methods instituted by the U.S. federal government and the appraisal industry in the early and mid-twentieth century. When using such logic, appraisers assumed that racially uniform, White neighborhoods were the most valuable. They also assumed that White home buyers were the reference point for neighborhood desirability and value. This logic guided their methods, such that they typically chose “comps” from within singular neighborhoods. This chapter also uses quantitative data to show that homes in White Houston neighborhoods were systematically appraised higher than homes in otherwise similar Black and Latinx Houston neighborhoods in 2015. Such inequality is not merely an artifact of explicitly racist historical appraisals; rather, it is actively produced by contemporary appraisers.

2018 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-149
Author(s):  
Katherine Ellinghaus

During the twentieth century some Australian states and the U.S. federal government enacted comparable policies that demonstrate how the discourse of protection continued to survive in an era when settler nations were focussed on “assimilating” Indigenous populations. The Australian policy of exemption and the U.S. policy of competency did not represent a true change in direction from past policies of protection. In contrast to the nineteenth century, though, these twentieth-century policies offered protection to only a deserving few. Drawing on records of exemption and competency from New South Wales and Oklahoma in the 1940s and 1950s, this article shows how the policies of exemption and competency ostensibly gave the opportunity for some individuals to prove that they no longer needed the paternalism of colonial governments. They were judged using very different local criteria. In Australia, applicants were mostly judged on whether they engaged in “respectable” use of alcohol; in the United States, applicants were assessed on whether they had “business sense.”


Author(s):  
Randall G. Holcombe

Despite massive worldwide growth of government in the twentieth century, there have been periods in the U.S. and other countries when growth has slowed or reversed. Government growth is not inevitable. Explanations of government growth fall into three major categories. Path-dependent theories emphasize factors that continually push the size of government up, so the current size is in part a function of its past size. Theories about the equilibrium size of government explain why government is big, but not why government grows. If equilibrium conditions change, that can produce government growth. Theories also describe ideological shifts that cause people to want, or at least accept, bigger governments. All these explanations could have an effect on government growth. However, none appears to be persuasive enough to explain all the growth that occurred.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-67
Author(s):  
Courtney Maloney

We are witnessing a time of shrinking labor unions across the globe. Among member states of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, rates of union membership have declined from 30% in 1985 to 20% today (McCarthy 2017). In the U.S., the current rate is just 10.7% (Yadoo 2018). We have seen along with this the concomitant reduction in working-class and middle-class standards of living. Technological, political, and economic factors have impacted this change, but there is a cultural dimension to it as well. From the moment industrial unions in the U.S. gained power, corporations began to counter workingclass solidarity with alternative narratives that emphasized individualism, domesticity, and leisure. This article illuminates such efforts with a reading of one particularly sophisticated example from the mid-twentieth century, in which a steel corporation’s company magazine used workers’ own participation and self-representations in an effort to reorient notions of solidarity toward an identification with the corporation as family.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-521
Author(s):  
Joshua Evans ◽  
Jeffrey R Masuda

The management of homelessness has taken various forms over time. In 2003, the U.S. federal government significantly shifted its approach, ambitiously committing to end homelessness within 10 years by targeting the chronically homeless using the Housing First model. This approach to homelessness has rapidly spread across North America and beyond. This article is concerned with how the mobility of these 10-year plans has been realized. Drawing on Peck and Theodore’s concept of “fast policy,” and borrowing perspectives developed in actor-network theory, the article develops a case study of Alberta, Canada, to chronicle how 10-year plans were translated through a dense network of political alignments, socio-technical expertise, and statistical inscriptions. A close examination of these translations invites us to problematize this socio-technical infrastructure as a powerful mode of adaptive governance closely associated with the dynamism of neoliberalism itself.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 275
Author(s):  
Wojciech Kwiatkowski

Institutional and Competence Evolution of the U.S. Central Bank in the Twentieth CenturySummary The article describes the initial shape of the U.S. central bank, i.e. the Federal Reserve System created under the federal act of 1913 as a “Federal Reserve”, as well as the reasons for its competence and institutional evolution mainly in the thirties of the twentieth century. The paper seeks to identify the consequences of the absence of statutory regulations – in many ways necessary for the proper functioning of the central bank in the United States as a confederation, which has become a major cause of the appropriation of powers by the representatives of the private sector at the central bank. In addition, by analyzing the agreement concluded by the representatives of the bank and the U.S. Treasury Department the article shows the consequences of the absence of constitutional guarantees for the central bank’s operational independence. The article also seeks to name and describe the laws passed in the twentieth century, which have contributed significantly to today’s field of competence of the Federal Reserve System and its present modus vivendi.


Author(s):  
Yuko Matsumoto

The Americanization movement in the early twentieth century tried to redefine the qualifications for full membership within the nation. In the same period, the anti-Asian movement flourished. Responding actively to the discourses of anti-Japanese (and Asian) movements, Japanese immigrants tried to prove their eligibility for full membership in the U.S. nation by following their own interpretation of Americanization, or Beika (米化‎) in Japanese. The ideas of Beika were based on idealized Japanese virtues, as well as on what was required by the Americanization movement. Even though they used the parallel terms in ideas of Beika, however, the gender discourses such as virtues of Yamatonadeshiko and the definition of family highlighted the difference between the views of Americanization and those of Beika despite their similar intention. This gap in perception might have reinforced the racialized and gendered stereotypes on both sides and hindered mutual understanding before World War II.


Author(s):  
Paul Giles

This chapter examines how the landscape of American broadcasting in the second half of the twentieth century evolved from a situation in which values of liberal independence acted as a front for the sway of network corporations to one in which the incremental fragmentation of the increasingly global media market posed a challenge to the rhetoric of national space. It considers how the spatial dynamics inherent within American culture have been represented in American writers such as Toni Morrison, Philip Roth, and Don DeLillo, and contrasts this with the perspectives of a younger generation, in particular those of David Foster Wallace and Dave Eggers. It explains how the “Voice of America” (VOA), the official radio and television service of the U.S. federal government, became “the nation's ideological arm of anti-communism,” while the minds of supposedly free-thinking citizens at home were also shaped surreptitiously by the new power of electronic media.


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