Introduction

The Gun Gap ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Mark R. Joslyn

The introduction to this book defines the gun gap, which refers to differences in political behavior and attitudes between gun owners and nonowners. In addition, the introduction establishes why the gun gap is important for understanding modern mass politics. Election analysts and scholars typically overlook the gun gap, but it is an essential explanation for an impressive range of political behaviors and attitudes, including voter choice and turnout, perceptions of personal and public safety, preferences for gun control policies, and support for the death penalty and other punitive measures. Finally, the introduction outlines the book chapters, discussing key theories and findings.

Author(s):  
Mark R. Joslyn

To understand public opinion and political behavior, researchers typically sort people by self-identified groupings such as party identification, race, gender, education, and income. This book advances gun owners as a new classification. It demonstrates a “gun gap,” which captures the differences between gun owners and nonowners, and shows how this gap improves conventional models of political behavior. The gun gap in fact represents an important explanation for voter choice, voter turnout, perceptions of personal and public safety, preferences for gun control policies, and support for the death penalty. Moreover, the gun gap is growing. During the 1970s and 1980s, it was small. However, legislative battles over guns in the early 1990s marked a significant growth in the gun gap that continues to this day. The 2016 presidential election witnessed the largest recorded gun gap in history. The gun gap in voter choice was nearly three times larger in 2016 than the gender gap, and it exceeded age and education gaps by notable margins. This book also focuses on variation among gun owners. Gun owners are not a monolith but exhibit attitudinal and behavioral differences that can be as large as the gap between gun owners and nonowners. The gun gap thus affords a new and compelling vantage point to evaluate modern mass politics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 500-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Coates ◽  
Shanna Pearson-Merkowitzz
Keyword(s):  

2022 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Gregory Cabano ◽  
Amin Attari ◽  
Elizabeth A. Minton

Purpose Given the growing prevalence of gun control policies in service settings, this study aims to investigate how the adoption of a gun control policy by a service businesses influences consumers’ evaluations of the service businesses. Design/methodology/approach Three experiments were conducted to examine how the adoption of a gun control policy by a service businesses influences consumers’ brand favorability of that service businesses and how value congruence (i.e. the alignment between a consumer’s own personal values and perceptions of the brand’s values) is the underlying mechanism. Findings This study documents several major findings. First, the authors find that the adoption of a gun control policy by a service businesses increases consumers’ brand favorability. Second, the authors highlight a boundary condition to this effect, such that a gun control policy actually decreases consumers’ brand favorability for people high (vs low) in support for gun rights. Third, the authors show that value congruence is the psychological process underlying these effects. Fourth, the authors generalize the focal effects to a real-world brand and demonstrate that the adoption of a gun control policy increases brand favorability for consumers low (vs high) in patronage behavior of the brand. Finally, the authors find that a pioneer brand strategy in the adoption of a gun control policy significantly increases brand favorability, whereas a follower brand strategy in the adoption of such a policy is less effective. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this research is the first to provide critical insight to service businesseses as to how their position regarding guns influences consumers’ evaluations of the service businesses.


Author(s):  
Stephen Lovell

The introduction considers the place of the spoken word in Russian history, presenting a pre-history of rhetoric and oratory in Russia before the 1860s. Examples are drawn from sermons, literature, theatre, and the universities, as well as from the political practice of Russia’s rulers. The introduction goes on to explain the significance of public speaking in Russia’s ‘stenographic age’, highlighting the challenges of modern mass politics and communications. It further offers comparisons between Russian political culture and the political culture of Britain, Germany, and the United States, paying particular attention to the place of oratory in the political imagination. It concludes by outlining the structure and rationale of the book.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 867-892 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kassra A.R. Oskooii

AbstractCan different experiences with discrimination produce divergent political behaviors? Does it make a difference whether individuals are discriminated against by their peers or community members in the course of everyday life as opposed to political actors or institutions tasked with upholding democratic norms of equality and fairness? Crossing disciplinary boundaries, this study proposes a new theoretical perspective regarding the relationship between discrimination and political behavior. Specifically, it distinguishes between societal (interpersonal) and political (systematic) discrimination when examining the behaviors of racial and ethnic minorities in Great Britain. The results illustrate that although experiences of political discrimination may motivate individuals to take part in mainstream politics for substantive or expressive purposes, the same conclusion cannot necessarily be drawn for those who experience societal rejection. The principal aim of this study is to further highlight the complex and multidimensional nature of discrimination, and to encourage further analyses of how different types of discrimination may impact the civic and political behaviors of minority groups.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 249-258
Author(s):  
Carol Leung ◽  
Mark S Kaplan ◽  
Ziming Xuan

Abstract This study examined the association between state-specific firearm control policies and firearm suicide rates among men after adjusting for state-level demographics. This cross-sectional study used state-level mortality data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System and the Brady Campaign State Scorecard in 2017. An age-stratified (15–24 years, 25–44 years, 45–64 years, and ≥ 65 years) multivariable analysis was conducted to identify gun control policies that are associated with firearm suicide rates among men in each age group. Results indicate that the associations of specific firearm control policies and firearm suicide rates differ across the age span. In particular, more policies (for example, dealer regulations and waiting periods) are negatively associated with firearm suicide rate among men 15 to 24 years of age. The findings underscore the importance of designing gender- and age-specific policy advocacy programs directed at lowering the rate of firearm suicide. This study also suggests that California, known for its innovative gun safety legislation efforts, could serve as a model for other states starting preventive programs to reduce the firearm suicide rate. Implications of the findings for social work practice are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jungook Kim

PurposeThis study examines Pateman's “spillover thesis” that democratic participation in the workplace will “spill over” into political participation. It applies a latent class analysis (LCA) to identify patterns of political behavior and uses workplace participation and political efficacy as predicting variables of political behavior patterns.Design/methodology/approachThis study analyzed the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) in 2014 General Social Survey (GSS) data. This study applied a LCA to identify distinct patterns in people's political behaviors and did a multinomial regression analysis to predict the patterns with workplace participation and political efficacy.FindingsThe study found partial support for the spillover thesis. Among three distinct political behavior patterns, two active patterns were associated with political efficacy. However, the mediation from workplace participation to political participation through political efficacy was not supported. Respondents involved in workplace units that collectively make work-related decisions were more likely to be active in political behaviors, but only one set of political activities. Higher political efficacy was found to lead to more active overall political participation of both patterns.Originality/valueUnlike the previous studies of democratic spillover, which treated political behaviors either as independent types of behaviors or as a summative index of such binary coded variables, this study addressed such shortcomings of the previous studies by providing a more complex picture of political behavior patterns and their relationship with workplace participation. Future research can build on this unique methodological endeavor to explore a holistic picture of how workplace practices can influence politics and democracy through individual workers.


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