The Elusive Quest for Equality, 1969–1989

2020 ◽  
pp. 199-243
Author(s):  
Donald G. Nieman
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Mass Incarceration ◽  
War On Drugs ◽  
School Segregation ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Institutionalized Racism ◽  
Broad Interpretation ◽  
The 1960S

Although the nation became more conservative in the 1970s and 1980s, civil rights advocates built on legislative and legal victories of the 1960s to create race-conscious remedies to challenge institutionalized racism. Their position was strengthened by a growing women’s movement that became an important element of the civil rights coalition. Affirmative action and remedies against practices that had a disparate impact on minorities and women expanded employment opportunities; renewal and broad interpretation of the Voting Rights Act dramatically increased the number of black and Hispanic elected officials; and busing offered a new remedy for school segregation. Claiming that the Constitution was color-blind, Republicans attacked race-conscious remedies as “reverse racism” and used race as a wedge to make inroads among traditional Democratic constituencies. They used their growing strength to restrict busing and affirmative action and launch a war on drugs that led to mass incarceration of African Americans.

The Color-Blind Challenge to Civil Rights, 1990–Present

2020 ◽  
pp. 244-290
Author(s):  
Donald G. Nieman
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Institutionalized Racism ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Color Blind ◽  
Black President ◽  
Voter Id

Since 1990, civil rights advocates have lost ground to conservative attacks on color-conscious remedies for institutionalized racism. Insisting that the Constitution is color-blind, a conservative Supreme Court has limited affirmative action, declared a key provision of the Voting Rights Act unconstitutional, limited others, and affirmed state voter ID laws that limit minority voting. Despite electing the first black president in 2008, liberals have enjoyed limited success in defending civil rights protections. They secured passage of the Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1991 to reverse damaging Supreme Court decisions, renewed the Voting Rights Act in 2006, and won cases defending affirmative action. Groups like Black Lives Matter have sparked a new grass-roots activism to protest police violence and pressed for an end to mass incarceration. While their success is limited, they continue a tradition that has shaped the nation since its inception.

The Surprising Career of Federal Fair Housing Law

2000 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Davis Graham
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Educational Opportunity ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Fair Housing ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Open Housing

Unlike the breakthrough civil rights legislation of 1964–65, which dismantled the South's Jim Crow system and led to rapid advances in job access and educational opportunity for minorities throughout the nation, the federal fair housing legislation of the 1960s produced little substantive change. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 quickly became case studies in the dominant tradition of presidential leadership in legislative reform, joining such modern classics as Social Security and the Marshall Plan. The Open Housing Act of 1968, however, belongs to a different era of national policy development.

The Gospel of the Sit-In

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Gershenhorn
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Black Workers ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Freedom Struggle ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The City

During the 1960s, Austin lent his talents and his newspaper in support of the direct action movement in Durham and throughout the state. Unlike many other black leaders in the city, he immediately and enthusiastically embraced an early sit-in in Durham that began in 1957, three years before the more celebrated Greensboro lunch counter sit-ins. He also aided a boycott of white retail businesses that refused to hire black workers by publishing the names of those businesses in the Carolina Times. This strategy was quite effective in forcing white businesses to hire African Americans. Austin’s efforts and those of countless civil rights activists led to major freedom struggle successes with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Liberalism Is Not Enough

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Marie Averbeck
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
Great Society ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Conservative Movement ◽  
Postwar America ◽  
History Of ◽  
Initial Content ◽  
The 1960S

In this intellectual history of the fraught relationship between race and poverty in the 1960s, Robin Marie Averbeck offers a sustained critique of the fundamental assumptions that structured liberal thought and action in postwar America. Focusing on the figures associated with “Great Society liberalism” like Daniel Patrick Moynihan, David Riesman, and Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Averbeck argues that these thinkers helped construct policies that never truly attempted a serious attack on the sources of racial inequality and injustice. In Averbeck’s telling, the Great Society’s most notable achievements--the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act--came only after unrelenting and unprecedented organizing by black Americans made changing the inequitable status quo politically necessary. And even so, the discourse about poverty created by liberals had inherently conservative qualities. As Liberalism Is Not Enough reveals, liberalism’s historical relationship with capitalism shaped both the initial content of liberal scholarship on poverty and its ultimate usefulness to a resurgent conservative movement.

The FTE Sector

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Temin
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
War On Drugs ◽  
Business Community ◽  
War On Poverty ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
American Business ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Rich People ◽  
The 1960S

The FTE sector originated in 1971 when Nixon, elected by a Southern Strategy that appealed to Southern whites, replaced Johnson’s War on Poverty with a War on Drugs. Nixon also appointed Powell to the Supreme Court shortly after Powell wrote a secret memo to the Chamber of Commerce in 1971 calling American business to arms over a perceived threat to the business community. These coincident actions were backlashes from the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, and they were obscured by the economic turmoil of the 1970s. Reagan appears as the originator of neo-conservatism as he broke unions and lowered taxes even though this ideology arose a decade earlier. The Reagan tax cuts and the growth of finance led to rapidly growing incomes of rich people.

Affirmative Action, Cultural Diversity, and Disability Policy Reform: Foundations to the Civil Rights of Persons with Disability

1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renée A. Middleton ◽  
Debra A. Harley ◽  
Carolyn W. Rollins ◽  
Tamala Solomon
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Independent Living ◽  
Disability Services ◽  
Rehabilitation Act Of 1973 ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Persons With Disabilities ◽  
The 1960S

The authors discuss how the impetus for rehabilitation reform historically received momentum from civil rights activities in the 1960s. The origins of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the American with Disabilities Act, and the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, are discussed from the political context at the time of passage. Thus, the reader comes to understand how persons with disabilities, through the independent living movement; a civil rights movement within a movement for equality, were empowered to become a major force in prompting the signing of the ADA. The paper is based on the belief that current disability legislation must be inclusive of all persons with disabilities. To that end, connections are made between affirmative action, a major vanguard of equality, cultural diversity and multiculturalism. A rational is provided for the assertion that elimination of affirmative action will have serious repercussions for the long-term effectiveness and survival of other civil rights legislation. Finally, recommendations for achieving multiculturalism are made and concluding remarks predict the outlook for the future with respect to disability services, policy and practice.

Nixon's Southern Strategy Revisited

1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dean J. Kotlowski
Keyword(s):  
Affirmative Action ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
White Southerners ◽  
Minority Businesses

Recently, the story of President Richard M. Nixon's “southern strategy” and its relationship to school desegregation has become a ripe topic for historical revision. Ever wary of the shifty-eyed Nixon, contemporary critics argued that the president had retreated from civil rights to win the votes of conservative white southerners. Modifying this thesis, recent scholars have concluded that the president was neither a segregationist nor a conservative on the race question. These writers have shown that Nixon desegregated more schools than previous presidents, approved a strengthened Voting Rights Act, developed policies to aid minority businesses, and supported affirmative action.

THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL UNDERSTANDING OF ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICY OF UKRAINE: THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ASPECT

2020 ◽  
pp. 102-105
Author(s):  
A. A. Prykhodko
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
European Integration ◽  
International Standards ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Third World Country ◽  
Broad Interpretation ◽  
Enforcement Activity ◽  
Cross Border Cooperation ◽  
The Eu

The article analyzes the theoretical and practical aspects of the anti-corruption policy of Ukraine in the context of European integration. Considered that corruption has long been perceived in the EU as a negative phenomenon requiring systematic, strategic and concerted action of a transboundary and transnational character and, in general, a threat to the rule of law. The author concluded that Ukraine will continue to be perceived by a third world country as long as anti-corruption measures are duplicated from one strategic document to another. The anti-corruption strategy of Ukraine should be an early, strategic and systematic tool for the eradication of corruption and the formation of public justice in the context of zero tolerance for such phenomena. Now this is a set of normatively fixed declarative slogans that are consistent with international standards, but are not achievable in practical terms due to the lack of state strategic planning in advance. The new anti-corruption strategy must necessarily include a broad interpretation of all the concepts used in it, including the term “anti-corruption policy”. Taking into account the recommendations of the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly, the author’s vision of the term “anti-corruption policy” has been formed, as a set of principles, tasks, goals and principles of implementation of law-making and law-enforcement activity of public administration within the protection of human and civil rights and freedoms a state implemented by a system of methods, means and measures to combat corruption in priority areas and in accordance with anti-corruption standards and on the basis of transnational national and cross-border cooperation.

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