Foreign Policy Under Modi

2019 ◽  
pp. 299-316
Author(s):  
C. Raja Mohan

Foreign policy has been one of the unexpected areas of focus for the Modi government. This chapter begins with a brief overview of Modi’s inheritance and principal contributions like departure from the long standing non-aligned international position of India. Modi has embraced realpolitik over moralpolitik through his emphasis on ‘India First’, and as a result, India, which was hesitant in the past to draw closer to any major power, has done so with the United States of America. In the next section, India’s engagement with major powers like the United States of America, China, Russia, Europe and Japan is analyzed, and the idea that a structural shift could be observed as India moved closer to the West is discussed. However, India’s neighborhood challenges have been accumulating, and the Modi government has not been able to transcend them. In conclusion, the Modi regime has also focused on soft power with gusto, but this has been neutralized by internal fault lines fueled by vigilante groups.

Author(s):  
Mohammed Nuruzzaman

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a major actor in Middle Eastern as well as global politics. Founded in 1932 by King Abd al-Aziz Al Saud, commonly known as Ibn Saud, the kingdom rests on an alliance between the Al Saud royal family and the followers of 18th-century Islamic revivalist Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab. The strategic and geo-economic significance of the kingdom originates from its location and possession of huge oil resources. It borders the world’s two immensely significant strategic sea trade routes—the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, boasts of being the world’s largest oil exporter, and is home to Islam’s two holiest sites—Mecca and Medina. Though not a militarily significant power, the kingdom’s vast oil wealth has gradually and greatly elevated its status as an influential global economic and financial power. Currently, it is the world’s seventeenth largest economy ($1.774 trillion, 2017 estimate based on purchasing power parity, or PPP) and a member of the elite G20 club of world economic powers. The economic good fortune notwithstanding, the Saudis have traditionally depended on the United States, especially after World War II, for security guarantees and pursued a foreign policy of restraint guided by preferences for soft power tools like mediation in regional conflicts, financial aid and investments, and diplomatic influence. Relations with the United States, mostly smooth but occasionally rocky (for example, the 1973 Saudi-led oil embargo on the West and the 9/11 attacks), has remained the cornerstone of Saudi foreign policy. A series of recent developments, most notably the rise of regional rival Iran following the 2003 American invasion of Iraq, the contagious effects of Arab pro-democracy movements, and the proclamation of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in the summer of 2014 forced a major overhaul in Saudi foreign policy. A fundamental shift from the traditional policy of restraint to a proactive foreign policy took root from the early 2010s. King Abdullah bin Abd al-Aziz sent troops to Bahrain in March 2011 to stifle the Shiʿa -led pro-democracy movements; incumbent King Salman bin Abd al-Aziz, soon after ascending the throne in January 2015, launched a massive air attack on Yemen to punish the allegedly pro-Iran Houthi rebels, and doubled down financial and military support for the pro-Saudi rebel groups fighting against the Iran- and Russia-backed Bashar Al-Assad government in Syria. The kingdom has justified this proactive foreign policy approach as a necessary response to force Shiʿa powerhouse Iran to scale back its presence in Arab countries and to keep Iranian power under check. Lately, the kingdom is pursuing policies to court Israel to jointly square off with their common enemy Iran and weaken pro-Iran Lebanese militia group Hezbollah’s military capabilities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-106
Author(s):  
Danguole Bardauskaite

Abstract The aim of this research is to answer the question how the American think tank experts on the Middle East and US foreign policy towards the Middle East perceive the region and its construction, with a particular focus on the process of Othering. In order to achieve this aim, the article presents the theoretical explanations of the Othering. In the empirical part, the results of semi-structured interviews with the experts are analyzed and presented. The interviews revealed three angles of how the Middle East is perceived. These angles are the geographical location of the Middle East, the securitization of the Middle East and the universal superiority of the United States. The main finding of the research is that the perception of the Middle East is connected with the self perception or the question of “What is the United States of America?”


Subject Foreign policy after the attempted coup. Significance Before the July 15 coup attempt, foreign policy was showing signs of turning towards pragmatism from the ambitious positions associated with former Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu. Rapprochement was sought with both Russia and Israel, and relations with the United States and EU were relatively stable. The attempted coup introduces considerable uncertainty. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's insistence that US-based cleric Fethullah Gulen was behind it is drawing the United States into Turkey's most serious political trauma in decades. Impacts Relations with the West are unlikely to return to their pre-coup warmth soon. The most likely result for US-Turkish relations is what may be termed a 'stressed-out partnership of convenience'. How both US-Turkish relations and Turkey's conflict with the PKK develop will determine Turkish policy on Syria and the ISG.


Subject Russia's new foreign policy document. Significance A new foreign policy concept presents Russia as a nation facing a range of security threats but nevertheless willing to play a global role in a multipolar, chaotic and unpredictable world. Replacing the 2013 foreign policy concept, the document also attempts to assuage fears of Russian expansionist intent. Impacts Assumptions about the United States may change rapidly under President Donald Trump. Moscow will strengthen its foothold in Syria as a bargaining chip with the West and to show its resolve not to back down under pressure. Russia will refuse to relax control over Ukraine's eastern regions. Asian policy will consist partly of courting China and partly of seeking alliances to counterbalance this. Economic cooperation with Japan will be constrained by lack of a near-term deal on territorial issues.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Imelda Masni Juniaty Sianipar

On October 20, 2014, Joko Widodo or familiarly known as Jokowi was sworn in as the Seventh President of the Republic of Indonesia. The majority of Indonesian society supports Jokowi because He is simple, honest and populist. The presence of populist leaders in international politics often attracts the attention of Western countries, particularly the United States. Populist leaders are often considered as the authoritarian leaders, anti-democratic, anti-Western, anti-foreign and anti-market. Hugo Chavez from Venezuela and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from Iran are the examples. Chavez and Ahmadinejad are considered as threats by the United States because they challenge the United States led regional and global order. This article will examine the direction of Jokowi’s foreign policy. This article argues that Jokowi is a moderate populist leader. Jokowi is friendly to other countries including the West but still prioritize the national interests. Thus, Indonesia under Jokowi is not a threat to other countries and the West. In fact, they can work together to achieve their common national interests. Keywords: populism, foreign policy, Indonesia, jokowi, moderate populism


After the 1990, it is very important that in the immediate vicinity of the geopolitical changes that have occurred in Turkey. The first changes is Iran and Iraq on the edge. Especially the Turkey-Iran and Iraq, all kinds of geopolitical developments occurring in the triple border, to a critical value. Because the triple border Iran and Iraq by Turkey as a safety check. For this reason, has become the center of all kinds of illegal developments. Iran, conducts a policy of asymmetric after 1990, in the Caucasus, and the Middle East and Central Asia geography. This policy from time to time an anti-U.S. hostility toward the West and exacerbate. The attitude of the West and the United States due to the foreign policy of Turkey's neighbor Iran rather problematic periods. Because the entire Middle East and Central Asia, Turkey's policies on Iran, which is a pretty effective. For this reason, Iran, Turkey is a country that needs to be analyzed by far the best.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e54112
Author(s):  
Maiko Jhonata De Araújo Gomes

Através do uso da metodologia qualitativa de construção de cenários, o artigo busca analisar as relações entre Brasil e Oriente Médio, com foco no governo vigente de Jair Messias Bolsonaro, com o intuito de apresentar os possíveis cenários que podem vir à tona com base nas relações atuais. Dessa forma, nota-se nessa primeira metade do governo Bolsonaro, uma ruptura dos padrões adotados durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) para com o Oriente Médio, de modo que houve a adoção de um alinhamento ideológico aos Estados Unidos da América e, consequentemente, aos aliados do governo estadunidense no Oriente Médio, principalmente Israel. Dado o exposto, a hipótese aqui observada é que a Política Externa Brasileira (PEB) do atual governo, direcionada para os países do Oriente Médio, segue questões ideológicas, ao ponto de que os futuros cenários na região variam de acordo com o país em questão.Palavras-chave: Construção de cenários; Relações Brasil-Oriente Médio; Governo Bolsonaro. ABSTRACTUsing the qualitative methodology of scenario construction, the article seeks to analyze the relations between Brazil and the Middle East, focusing on the current government of Jair Messias Bolsonaro, in order to present the possible scenarios that may come to light based on the current relationships. Thus, in this first half of the Bolsonaro government, there is a break with the standards adopted during the Workers' Party (PT) governments towards the Middle East, in such a way that there was the adoption of an ideological alignment with the United States of America and, consequently, to the American government's allies in the Middle East, mainly Israel. Given the above, the hypothesis observed here is that the Brazilian Foreign Policy (BFP) of the current government, aimed at countries in the Middle East, follows ideological issues, to the point that future scenarios in the region vary according to the country in question.Keywords: Scenarios construction; Brazil-Middle East relations; Bolsonaro government. Recebido em: 28/08/2020 | Aceito em: 10/02/2021.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document