What is “the Middle East”? American think tank experts on construction of the region

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-106
Author(s):  
Danguole Bardauskaite

Abstract The aim of this research is to answer the question how the American think tank experts on the Middle East and US foreign policy towards the Middle East perceive the region and its construction, with a particular focus on the process of Othering. In order to achieve this aim, the article presents the theoretical explanations of the Othering. In the empirical part, the results of semi-structured interviews with the experts are analyzed and presented. The interviews revealed three angles of how the Middle East is perceived. These angles are the geographical location of the Middle East, the securitization of the Middle East and the universal superiority of the United States. The main finding of the research is that the perception of the Middle East is connected with the self perception or the question of “What is the United States of America?”


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e54112
Author(s):  
Maiko Jhonata De Araújo Gomes

Através do uso da metodologia qualitativa de construção de cenários, o artigo busca analisar as relações entre Brasil e Oriente Médio, com foco no governo vigente de Jair Messias Bolsonaro, com o intuito de apresentar os possíveis cenários que podem vir à tona com base nas relações atuais. Dessa forma, nota-se nessa primeira metade do governo Bolsonaro, uma ruptura dos padrões adotados durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) para com o Oriente Médio, de modo que houve a adoção de um alinhamento ideológico aos Estados Unidos da América e, consequentemente, aos aliados do governo estadunidense no Oriente Médio, principalmente Israel. Dado o exposto, a hipótese aqui observada é que a Política Externa Brasileira (PEB) do atual governo, direcionada para os países do Oriente Médio, segue questões ideológicas, ao ponto de que os futuros cenários na região variam de acordo com o país em questão.Palavras-chave: Construção de cenários; Relações Brasil-Oriente Médio; Governo Bolsonaro. ABSTRACTUsing the qualitative methodology of scenario construction, the article seeks to analyze the relations between Brazil and the Middle East, focusing on the current government of Jair Messias Bolsonaro, in order to present the possible scenarios that may come to light based on the current relationships. Thus, in this first half of the Bolsonaro government, there is a break with the standards adopted during the Workers' Party (PT) governments towards the Middle East, in such a way that there was the adoption of an ideological alignment with the United States of America and, consequently, to the American government's allies in the Middle East, mainly Israel. Given the above, the hypothesis observed here is that the Brazilian Foreign Policy (BFP) of the current government, aimed at countries in the Middle East, follows ideological issues, to the point that future scenarios in the region vary according to the country in question.Keywords: Scenarios construction; Brazil-Middle East relations; Bolsonaro government. Recebido em: 28/08/2020 | Aceito em: 10/02/2021.



Sociologija ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-204
Author(s):  
Roland Boer ◽  
Ibrahim Abraham

Defining Christian Zionism as conservative Christian support for the state of Israel, and an influential political force, especially in the United States, this article outlines four antinomies of such a position. Firstly, although Christian Zionism argues that it is purely theological, that it follows God?s will irrespective of any politics, and although mainstream Zionism is resolutely political, we argue that such a separation is impossible. Indeed, mainstream Zionism cannot avoid being influenced by Christian Zionism?s political agenda. Secondly, despite the efforts by mainstream Zionism to use Christian Zionism in order to influence US foreign policy in the Middle East, mainstream Zionism is playing with fire, since Christian Zionists wish to convert or annihilate all Jews. Thirdly, Christian Zionism is the ultimate version of anti-Semitism, for it wishes to get rid of Arabs (as hindrances to the Zionist project) and then dispense with Jews. (Both Arabs and Jews are by definition Semites.) Finally, since Christian Zionists are fundamentalist Christians, they must take the Old and New Testaments at their word. However, this position is impossible to hold, and in order to resolve the tension they must resort to the violence of the final conflict, Armageddon.



The article analyzes the current concepts of US foreign policy, the direction of US foreign policy, and examines the economic background of US foreign policy. In particular, the fundamental indicators of US economic development have been studied, which allow the state to be a regional and world leader and pursue a hegemony strategy. The subject of research in the article is to determine the general and specific aspects of US foreign policy at the present stage. The goal is to determine the impact of US policy on the geopolitical transformation of the world. Objectives: the study of modern concepts of US foreign policy in the context of globalization and regionalization of the world. The study used the following general scientific methods: using the system analysis, the evolution of the US foreign policy in the globalization languages of the world was considered; In order to generalize the activities of various administrations and governments, compare their positions on shaping the country's foreign policy, a comparative historical method was used. relationship. The following results were obtained: on the basis of the analysis of the current US policy, the political strategies of the United States in Europe and the Middle East were discovered and analyzed in detail. Conclusions: The United States remains the key actor in international relations at the present stage, and so far retains its influence on the processes in the world. US foreign policy is aimed at stabilizing international relations in such key regions as the Middle East and the EU. A comprehensive analysis of the presidents and their administrations suggests the continuity of US foreign policy in the Middle East. With the arrival of D. Trump, the foreign policy of American Republicans is saturated with power and cruelty.



2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fabbrini ◽  
Amr Yossef

The existing literature explains the wavering course of President Barack Obama's policy on the 2001–03 Egyptian crisis as attributed to either his personal characteristics (lack of an international experience, predisposition to sermonize rather than to strategize) or to the impact of the decline of the United States as a global superpower (inability to influence foreign actors and contexts). Although both explanations are worthy of consideration, this article seeks to demonstrate that they are insufficient when accounting for the uncertainties shown by the United States during the Egyptian crisis. Domestic factors, particularly the internally divided US political elite and a foreign policy team with different views, played a crucial intervening role in defining the features of US foreign policy. It was domestic politics that made the Obama administration ineffective in dealing with the new scenario that emerged in the Middle East and in Egypt in particular.



2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Melaty Anggraini

AbstrakPengayaan nuklir Iran menimbulkan sikap ancaman bagi Negara lainnya termasuk Amerika Serikat sebagai Negara super power, berakhirnya kerjasama antara AS dan Iran dalam pengembangan nuklir Iran dikarenakan revolusi Islam dan berganti periode kepemimpinan menimbulkan sikap defensive bagi Amerika Serikat apalagi dengan munculnya serangan terorisme 11 september, semakin meyakinkan AS untuk mengubah arah kebijakan politik luar negerinya berfokus ke wilayah Asia Timur. Menggunakan metode dan konsep hegemonic strategic dan power defense, penulis mencoba menganalisa kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat di Timur Tengah khususnya pada kasus nuklir Iran, untuk menganalisa strategi kebijakan AS dalam menghadapi nuklir Iran Kata Kunci: Nuklir Iran, Amerika Serikat, Konsep Power Defense. ABSTRACT Iran Nuclear enrichment poses a threat to other countries including the United States as a Super Power Country, the end of cooperation Iran-US  Nuclear caused Islam revolution and position change of leadership period led to a defensive act from The United States, specifically emergency issue of 9/11 September. That’s made the US for changing Foreign Policy more focus in the Middle East. Using the hegemonic strategic method and concept power defense, the writer try to analyze US foreign Policy in the Middle East. Especially in Iran Nuclear, for evaluate what is strategic foreign policy US  for facing Iran Nuclear.Keywords: Iran Nuclear, US, Power Defense Concept.



Author(s):  
Ayman Al Sharafat

This chapter aims to analyze the US's foreign policy priorities toward Jordan in the communications of Obama, through the period from 2009 to 2017. It answers the questions: what were the US's priorities in Jordan during the Obama administration? And how Jordan was described by Obama's communications. This work is a creative one, it uses qualitative and quantitative to investigate Obama's activities toward Jordan. In order to classify the US interests in Jordan, we use Byman and Molle's classification of the US's foreign policy interests in the Middle East: counterterrorism, security of Israel, democratization, nuclear proliferation, and oil. This chapter finds that Obama's foreign strategy and approach had been driven by the maxim of ‘multilateral retrenchment', which designed to achieve the United States foreign commitments, reshape its standing among the world powers, and transfer burdens onto foreign partners. The United States of America under the Obama administration substantially depended on Jordan to solve many regional complex issues and crisis.



2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-296
Author(s):  
Abdel-Fattah Mady

The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: ‘Does US foreign policy undermine peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?’ Careful observations of US foreign policy during the Oslo Process reveal that the United States has indeed undermined peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The American position substantially departed from United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338, which the Palestinians were promised would serve as the basis for negotiations. Although the American–Israeli alliance underwent periodic adjustments, American foreign policy has, over the last decade, helped to create a framework in the Middle East wherein only Israeli needs have legitimacy. During the Oslo Process, the United States and Israel have tried to impose Israel's plans on the Palestinians, ignoring United Nations resolutions and the international community. The evidence reveals that US foreign policy was based on double standards and unfair terms. Further, the seeming link between the aid provided by the United States to Israel and the latter's aggressive policies toward the Palestinians makes it appear as though Washington is ‘rewarding’ such policies, that is, as if Washington is enabling Israel to deny Palestinians’ legitimate rights, violate United Nations resolutions and principles of international law, keep its military occupation forces, and expand Jewish settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.



2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.



Author(s):  
Natasha N Johnson

This article focuses on equitable leadership and its intersection with related yet distinct concepts salient to social justice pertinent to women and minorities in educational leadership. This piece is rooted and framed within the context of the United States of America, and the major concepts include identity, equity, and intersectionality—specific to the race-gender dyad—manifested within the realm of educational leadership. The objective is to examine theory and research in this area and to discuss the role they played in this study of the cultures of four Black women, all senior-level leaders within the realm of K-20 education in the United States. This work employed the tenets of hermeneutic phenomenology, focusing on the intersecting factors—race and gender, specifically—that impact these women’s ability and capability to perform within the educational sector. The utilization of in-depth, timed, semi-structured interviews allowed participants to reflect upon their experiences and perceptions as Black women who have navigated and continue to successfully navigate the highest levels of the educational leadership sphere. Contributors’ recounted stories of navigation within spaces in which they are underrepresented revealed the need for more research specific to the intricacies of Black women’s leadership journeys in the context of the United States.



2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Jenichen

AbstractIt is a common—often stereotypical—presumption that Europe is secular and America religious. Differences in international religious freedom and religious engagement policies on both sides of the Atlantic seem to confirm this “cliché.” This article argues that to understand why it has been easier for American supporters to institutionalize these policies than for advocates in the EU, it is important to consider the discursive structures of EU and US foreign policies, which enable and constrain political language and behavior. Based on the analysis of foreign policy documents, produced by the EU and the United States in their relationship with six religiously diverse African and Asian states, the article compares how both international actors represent religion in their foreign affairs. The analysis reveals similarities in the relatively low importance that they attribute to religion and major differences in how they represent the contribution of religion to creating and solving problems in other states. In sum, the foreign policies of both international actors are based on a secular discursive structure, but that of the United States is much more accommodative toward religion, including Islam, than that of the EU.



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