Self-Renunciation and State Formation

2020 ◽  
pp. 182-224
Author(s):  
Nathan S. French

While the legal defenses of martyrdom-seeking operations of al-Qaʿida jurists and their sympathizers emphasize individual acts of self-renunciation, the state-building project of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s self-declared caliphate of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) instrumentalized martyrdom-seeking operations as fundamental to its political objectives. Alongside the arguments of Abu Bakr al-Naji and Abu ʿAbdullah al-Muhajir, the authors and jurists of ISIS—foremost among them Turki al-Binʿali, a former student of Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and grand mufti of ISIS—maintained Jihadi-Salafi narratives of theodicy and self-renunciation but identified specific gender roles for men and women in the state-building project. Women were to practice self-renunciation away from the battlefield and within the household, where they were to prepare the next generation of fighters. Men, on the other hand, were expected to go forth and fight in God’s cause, seeking martyrdom if necessary.

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Ali Nurdin

This paper focuses on debates between Soekarno, Natsir and Nurcholish Madjid to whether Indonesian state should be based on Islam ideologically or not. Soekarno, was in favor of the separation between Islam and state and against the idea of a formal-legal relationship between them. In Soekarno’s belief, by separating religion from the state, it does not mean that Islamic teachings are automatically marginalized. Natsir argued against Soekarno’s idea that Islam should be separated from the state. Natsir believed that Islam is a way of life in which it not only guides Muslim peoples on ritual matter but also on worldly matters including how to manage a state. Madjid seems to propose the middle path between Soekarno and Natsir in his struggle to ‘Islamize’ Indonesia. On the one hand, Madjid opposes the idea of making Indonesia an Islamic state, and on the other hand, Madjid also refuses that Indonesian become totally a secular state. Madjid tried to develop a new format for political Islam in which substance, rather than form, serves as his primary orientations. Kajian ini berfokus pada perdebatan antara Soekarno, Natsir dan Nurcholish Madjid tentang apakah negara Indonesia harus didasarkan pada Islam ideologis atau tidak. Soekarno adalah pendukung pemisahan antara Islam dan negara dan menentang gagasan hubungan formal-legal antara keduanya. Dalam keyakinan Soekarno, dengan memisahkan agama dari negara, itu tidak berarti bahwa ajaran Islam secara otomatis terpinggirkan. Natsir menentang gagasan Soekarno bahwa Islam harus dipisahkan dari negara. Natsir percaya bahwa Islam adalah cara hidup yang tidak hanya membimbing masyarakat Muslim tentang masalah ritual tetapi juga pada hal-hal duniawi termasuk bagaimana mengelola negara. Madjid tampaknya mengusulkan jalan tengah antara Soekarno dan Natsir dalam perjuangan untuk ‘mengislamkan’ Indonesia. Di satu sisi, Madjid menentang ide menciptakan Indonesia sebagai negara Islam, dan di sisi lain, Madjid juga menolak bahwa Indonesia menjadi benar-benar sebuah negara sekuler. Madjid mencoba untuk mengembangkan format baru bagi Islam politik di mana substansi, bukan bentuk, berfungsi sebagai orientasi utamanya.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-177
Author(s):  
Chiara Briganti ◽  
Kathy Mezei

During the interwar period, the artistic endeavour of the female interior decorator was dismissed as old-fashioned, nostalgic, and, tainted by its association with commerce; it was excluded from the rarefied circle of the higher arts of painting and sculpture and architecture; in the novels and plays of middlebrow authors of the same period, on the other hand, the female interior decorator, mocked for her edgy modernity, became a disturbing icon of urban modernity and a controversial advocate for new designs in living. This essay proposes to demonstrate how the representation in fiction and drama of the interwar period of the female interior decorator, a magnet for anxieties about changing gender roles, class distinctions, sexuality and sexual ambiguity and the ‘sanctity’ of the home, complicates the complexity and mutability of the middlebrow and its fraught relationship with modernism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Dian Septiandani ◽  
Abd. Shomad

Zakat is one of principal worship requiring every individual (<em>mukallaf</em>) with considerable property to spend some of the wealth for zakat under several conditions applied within. On the other hand, tax is an obligation assigned to taxpayers and should be deposited into the state based on policies applied, with no direct return as reward, for financing the national general expense. In their development, both zakat and tax had quite attention from Islamic economic thought. Nevertheless, we, at first, wanted to identify the principles of zakat and tax at the time of Rasulullah SAW. Therefore, this study referred to normative research. The primary data was collected through library/document research and the secondary one was collected through literature review by inventorying and collecting textbooks and other documents related to the studied issue.


Author(s):  
Marlou Schrover

This chapter discusses social exclusion in European migration from a gendered and historical perspective. It discusses how from this perspective the idea of a crisis in migration was repeatedly constructed. Gender is used in this chapter in a dual way: attention is paid to differences between men and women in (refugee) migration, and to differences between men and women as advocates and claim makers for migrant rights. There is a dilemma—recognized mostly for recent decades—that on the one hand refugee women can be used to generate empathy, and thus support. On the other hand, emphasis on women as victims forces them into a victimhood role and leaves them without agency. This dilemma played itself out throughout the twentieth century. It led to saving the victims, but not to solving the problem. It fortified rather than weakened the idea of a crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (14) ◽  
pp. 7582
Author(s):  
Evgenii Gusev ◽  
Alexey Sarapultsev ◽  
Desheng Hu ◽  
Valeriy Chereshnev

The COVID-19 pandemic examines not only the state of actual health care but also the state of fundamental medicine in various countries. Pro-inflammatory processes extend far beyond the classical concepts of inflammation. They manifest themselves in a variety of ways, beginning with extreme physiology, then allostasis at low-grade inflammation, and finally the shockogenic phenomenon of “inflammatory systemic microcirculation”. The pathogenetic core of critical situations, including COVID-19, is this phenomenon. Microcirculatory abnormalities, on the other hand, lie at the heart of a specific type of general pathological process known as systemic inflammation (SI). Systemic inflammatory response, cytokine release, cytokine storm, and thrombo-inflammatory syndrome are all terms that refer to different aspects of SI. As a result, the metabolic syndrome model does not adequately reflect the pathophysiology of persistent low-grade systemic inflammation (ChSLGI). Diseases associated with ChSLGI, on the other hand, are risk factors for a severe COVID-19 course. The review examines the role of hypoxia, metabolic dysfunction, scavenger receptors, and pattern-recognition receptors, as well as the processes of the hemophagocytic syndrome, in the systemic alteration and development of SI in COVID-19.


Early China ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 241-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constance A. Cook

Bronze Inscriptions of the Western Zhou period show how ritualists were once dedicated to maintaining the ritual apparatus supporting the divine authority of the royal Zhou lineage. Bronze and bamboo texts of the Eastern Zhou period reveal, on the other hand, that ritualists able to manipulate local rulers reliant on their knowledge subsequently subverted power into their own hands. Ritualists such as scribes, cooks, and artisans were involved in the transmission of Zhou “power” through the creation and use of inscribed bronze vessels during feasts. The expansion and bureaucratization of their roles in the Chu state provided economic and ultimately political control of the state. This was particularly the case as the Chu, like the Zhou before them, fled east to escape western invaders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tinashe Mawere

In the context of the hashtag movement #ThisFlag, this paper examines the sensual affects drawn from flag symbolism and why the Zimbabwean flag is policed by the state. It uses the symbolism and politics of the hashtag movements by focusing on Evan Mawarire’s national lament and the Zimbabwean flag. It employs a literary and discursive analysis of Mawarire’s lament using desktop research on the contestations surrounding the flag. It shows that in dominant nationalist discourses, the flag is imaged as the land/nation and feminised to warrant it utmost respect, protection, sanctity and re/productive capacity. On the other hand, the #ThisFlag has made use of the flag to resist and subvert grand and naturalised dominant discourses of nationalism and citizenship to foster new imagi/nations of the nation. The use of the flag by the movement provoked ZANU-PF’s ownership of the national flag, which is quite similar to and has been drawn from the flag of the party, hence the movement was challenging the identity of the party, its ownership and its relevance. The paper shows the fluidity of symbols and symbolic meanings and why #ThisFlag had symbolic radical power and the possibilities of using the state’s and ZANU-PF’s cultural tools to challenge ZANU-PF’s hold on national knowledge and power. It contributes to our understanding of both state-power retention and how subaltern voices can uncover the agency of subjects within the very instruments of control incessantly used by dominant regimes.


Author(s):  
Sumit Ganguly ◽  
William R. Thompson

This concluding chapter focuses on India's state-capacity problems and prospects. Its population may become the world's largest, its economy is becoming one of the world's largest, and its military power will probably move along at least a similar upward trajectory. Yet just about everything concerning India is characterized by developmental handicaps of one sort or another. Too many people are poor, infrastructure is lacking, and demands on the state for action to remedy these problems are multiplying. The Indian state, on the other hand, is characterized by a mixture of strengths and weaknesses. It scores high on its democratic attributes but much less so on its overall effectiveness. It has been and continues to be plagued by peripheral insurgencies and separatist movements. Moreover, its extraction capacity has improved but still has a long way to go, given the tasks the state needs to undertake.


Author(s):  
Thomas Johansson

The article deals with the gender ideals cultivated within contemporary fitness and gym culture - in particular the paradoxical features of this culture. On the one hand, traditional gender ideals are maintained and strengthened; on the other hand, there is a development towards an androgynous ideal. The hard and "perfect" body is gradually becoming a dial for both men and women. Men as well as women are facinated by this sculptured and well-trained body. Thus the gym and fitness culture contributes to changes in and a more reflexive attitude towards gender and body ideals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Mahaarum Kusuma Pertiwi

This paper finding is the existence of recurring unsettled negotiation between the Islamists and the Nationalists during three important constitutional works in Indonesia (the making of 1945 Constitution; the work of Konstituante to draft a new constitution in 1955-1959; and the constitutional amendment 1999-2002). Such fragile political consensus creates a legal gap in the Indonesian legal system: constitutional guarantee on religious liberty on one hand, and discriminative derivative laws and court decisions in relate to religious liberty on the other hand. This paper argues the legal gap happens because historically, discourse over religious liberty never settled during constitutional debates. It leads to ambiguous constitutional articles on religious liberty such as the seemingly contradicting Article 28 I (1) on absolute rights and Article 28 J (2) on the limitation of rights. The ambiguous constitutional articles give no solid basis for protecting religious liberty, especially for minority, although explicitly Article 29 (2) of the Constitution stating, ‘The State guarantees freedom of every inhabitant to embrace his/ her respective religion and to worship according to his/ her religion and faith as such’. This paper will explain the unsettled negotiations during the making of Pancasila and the Jakarta Charter in 1945; the debate within Konstituante’s work in 1959; and the debate during constitutional amendment in 1999-2002.


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