State Musical Populisms

Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino

This chapter shows the emergence of a regional sense of Latin America as part of the musical pedagogy of the nationalist states at the peak of the state-building efforts to organize, through a variety of instruments of cultural activism, what at the time were called “the masses.” It analyzes particularly the cases of Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina—the three largest countries of the time in population and economic development—from the 1910s through the 1950s. It proposes a comparative history of Latin American musical populisms, focusing in particular on policies of music education, broadcasting, censorship, and experiences of state-sponsored collective singing.

Author(s):  
Daniela Spenser

Vicente Lombardo Toledano was born into a prosperous family in 1894 in Teziutlán, Puebla, and died in Mexico City in 1968. His life is a window into the history of the 20th century: the rise and fall of the old regime; the Mexican Revolution and the transformations that the revolution made in society; the intellectual and social reconstruction of the country under new parameters that included the rise of the labor movement to political prominence as well as the intervention of the trade unions in the construction and consolidation of the state; the dispute over the course of the nation in the tumultuous 1930s; and the configuration of the political and ideological left in Mexico. Lombardo Toledano’s life and work illustrate Mexico’s connections with the world during the Second World War and the Cold War. Lombardo Toledano belonged to the intellectual elite of men and women who considered themselves progressives, Marxists, and socialists; they believed in a bright future for humanity. He viewed himself as the conscious reflection of the unconscious movement of the masses. With unbridled energy and ideological fervor, he founded unions, parties, and newspapers. During the course of his life, he adhered to various beliefs, from Christianity to Marxism, raising dialectical materialism to the level of a theory of knowledge of absolute proportions in the same fashion that he previously did with idealism. In life, he aroused feelings of love and hate; he was the object of royal welcomes and the target of several attacks; national and international espionage agencies did not let him out of their sight. He was detained in and expelled from several countries and prevented from visiting others. Those who knew him still evoke his incendiary oratorical style, which others remember as soporific. His admirers praise him as the helmsman of Mexican and Latin American workers; others scorn the means he used to achieve his goals as opportunist. Lombardo Toledano believed that the Soviet Union had achieved a future that Mexico could not aspire to imitate. Mexico was a semifeudal and semicolonial country, hindered by imperialism in its economic development and the creation of a national bourgeoisie, without which it could not pass on to the next stage in the evolution of mankind and without which the working class and peasantry were doomed to underdevelopment. In his interpretation of history, the autonomy of the subordinate classes did not enter into the picture; rather it was the intellectual elites allied with the state who had the task of instilling class consciousness in them. No matter how prominent a personality he was in his time, today few remember the maestro Vicente Lombardo Toledano, despite the many streets and schools named after him. However, the story of his life reveals the vivid and contradictory history of the 20th century, with traces that remain in contemporary Mexico.


2005 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques Zylberberg

This paper deals with the internal dynamics of the Latin American States. Having identified the demographic changes - urbanization, rejuvenating process, widespread education — the author introduces the social changes which have caused the spreading to the masses, to social segmentation and individualization. This is followed by a study of the ideologies which relate the social orientations of the individuals or segmented groups with the overall representations which value authoritarianism, populism, nationalism and state socialism. The analysis of authoritarian ideologies, of social individualism, and of the fragmentized political rivalries validates the internal hypothesis according to which the state actors of Latin America operate with considerable autonomy on the international scène as compared to the other actors.


Author(s):  
Mario Peters

Although car-ownership matters to many Latin Americans and cars are nearly omnipresent in daily life in Latin American societies, very little is known about important aspects of the social and cultural histories of automobility in Latin America. However, in the last ten years, several historians have begun to approach the meanings of automobility in Latin American countries. This trend is closely connected to recent developments and new approaches in the international research on mobility, the latter of which I discuss in the first part of this essay. To proceed, I analyze the state of the art on the history of automobility in Latin America, focusing on the following aspects: the emergence of early Latin American car cultures, car and traffic-related social conflicts, and road building. In the last part I ponder on the question of how future studies might advance the state of research on automobility and offer new perspectives on central themes in Latin American history.Although car-ownership matters to many Latin Americans and cars are nearly omnipresent in daily life in Latin American societies, very little is known about important aspects of the social and cultural histories of automobility in Latin America. However, in the last ten years, several historians have begun to approach the meanings of automobility in Latin American countries. This trend is closely connected to recent developments and new approaches in the international research on mobility, the latter of which I discuss in the first part of this essay. To proceed, I analyze the state of the art on the history of automobility in Latin America, focusing on the following aspects: the emergence of early Latin American car cultures, car and traffic-related social conflicts, and road building. In the last part I ponder on the question of how future studies might advance the state of research on automobility and offer new perspectives on central themes in Latin American history.


Author(s):  
Esteban Torres ◽  
Carina Borrastero

This article analyzes how the research on the relation between capitalism and the state in Latin America has developed from the 1950s up to the present. It starts from the premise that knowledge of this relation in sociology and other social sciences in Latin America has been taking shape through the disputes that have opposed three intellectual standpoints: autonomist, denialist, and North-centric. It analyzes how these standpoints envision the relationship between economy and politics and how they conceptualize three regionally and globally growing trends: the concentration of power, social inequality, and environmental depletion. It concludes with a series of challenges aimed at restoring the theoretical and political potency of the autonomist program in Latin American sociology.


Author(s):  
Federico M. Rossi

The history of Latin America cannot be understood without analyzing the role played by labor movements in organizing formal and informal workers across urban and rural contexts.This chapter analyzes the history of labor movements in Latin America from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries. After debating the distinction between “working class” and “popular sectors,” the chapter proposes that labor movements encompass more than trade unions. The history of labor movements is analyzed through the dynamics of globalization, incorporation waves, revolutions, authoritarian breakdowns, and democratization. Taking a relational approach, these macro-dynamics are studied in connection with the main revolutionary and reformist strategic disputes of the Latin American labor movements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-90
Author(s):  
Mara Soledad Segura ◽  
Alejandro Linares ◽  
Agustn Espada ◽  
Vernica Longo ◽  
Ana Laura Hidalgo ◽  
...  

Since 2004 and for the first time in the history of broadcasting in the region, a dozen Latin American countries have acknowledged community radio and television stations as legal providers of audiovisual communication services. In Argentina, a law passed in 2009 not only awarded legal recognition to the sector, it also provided a promotion mechanism for community media. In this respect, it was one of the most ambitious ones in the region. The driving question is: How relevant are public policies for the sustainability of community media in Argentina? The argument is: even though the sector of community media has developed and persisted for decades in illegal conditions imposed by the state, the legalization and promotion policies carried out by the state from the perspective of human rights in a context of extreme media ownership concentration have been critical to the growth and sustainability of non-profit media.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 172
Author(s):  
Spencer P. Chainey ◽  
Gonzalo Croci ◽  
Laura Juliana Rodriguez Forero

Most research that has examined the international variation in homicide levels has focused on structural variables, with the suggestion that socio-economic development operates as a cure for violence. In Latin America, development has occurred, but high homicide levels remain, suggesting the involvement of other influencing factors. We posit that government effectiveness and corruption control may contribute to explaining the variation in homicide levels, and in particular in the Latin America region. Our results show that social and economic structural variables are useful but are not conclusive in explaining the variation in homicide levels and that the relationship between homicide, government effectiveness, and corruption control was significant and highly pronounced for countries in the Latin American region. The findings highlight the importance of supporting institutions in improving their effectiveness in Latin America so that reductions in homicide (and improvements in citizen security in general) can be achieved.


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