scholarly journals The relevance of public policies for the sustainability of community media: Lessons from Argentina

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-90
Author(s):  
Mara Soledad Segura ◽  
Alejandro Linares ◽  
Agustn Espada ◽  
Vernica Longo ◽  
Ana Laura Hidalgo ◽  
...  

Since 2004 and for the first time in the history of broadcasting in the region, a dozen Latin American countries have acknowledged community radio and television stations as legal providers of audiovisual communication services. In Argentina, a law passed in 2009 not only awarded legal recognition to the sector, it also provided a promotion mechanism for community media. In this respect, it was one of the most ambitious ones in the region. The driving question is: How relevant are public policies for the sustainability of community media in Argentina? The argument is: even though the sector of community media has developed and persisted for decades in illegal conditions imposed by the state, the legalization and promotion policies carried out by the state from the perspective of human rights in a context of extreme media ownership concentration have been critical to the growth and sustainability of non-profit media.

Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino

This chapter shows the emergence of a regional sense of Latin America as part of the musical pedagogy of the nationalist states at the peak of the state-building efforts to organize, through a variety of instruments of cultural activism, what at the time were called “the masses.” It analyzes particularly the cases of Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina—the three largest countries of the time in population and economic development—from the 1910s through the 1950s. It proposes a comparative history of Latin American musical populisms, focusing in particular on policies of music education, broadcasting, censorship, and experiences of state-sponsored collective singing.


Author(s):  
Daniela Spenser

Vicente Lombardo Toledano was born into a prosperous family in 1894 in Teziutlán, Puebla, and died in Mexico City in 1968. His life is a window into the history of the 20th century: the rise and fall of the old regime; the Mexican Revolution and the transformations that the revolution made in society; the intellectual and social reconstruction of the country under new parameters that included the rise of the labor movement to political prominence as well as the intervention of the trade unions in the construction and consolidation of the state; the dispute over the course of the nation in the tumultuous 1930s; and the configuration of the political and ideological left in Mexico. Lombardo Toledano’s life and work illustrate Mexico’s connections with the world during the Second World War and the Cold War. Lombardo Toledano belonged to the intellectual elite of men and women who considered themselves progressives, Marxists, and socialists; they believed in a bright future for humanity. He viewed himself as the conscious reflection of the unconscious movement of the masses. With unbridled energy and ideological fervor, he founded unions, parties, and newspapers. During the course of his life, he adhered to various beliefs, from Christianity to Marxism, raising dialectical materialism to the level of a theory of knowledge of absolute proportions in the same fashion that he previously did with idealism. In life, he aroused feelings of love and hate; he was the object of royal welcomes and the target of several attacks; national and international espionage agencies did not let him out of their sight. He was detained in and expelled from several countries and prevented from visiting others. Those who knew him still evoke his incendiary oratorical style, which others remember as soporific. His admirers praise him as the helmsman of Mexican and Latin American workers; others scorn the means he used to achieve his goals as opportunist. Lombardo Toledano believed that the Soviet Union had achieved a future that Mexico could not aspire to imitate. Mexico was a semifeudal and semicolonial country, hindered by imperialism in its economic development and the creation of a national bourgeoisie, without which it could not pass on to the next stage in the evolution of mankind and without which the working class and peasantry were doomed to underdevelopment. In his interpretation of history, the autonomy of the subordinate classes did not enter into the picture; rather it was the intellectual elites allied with the state who had the task of instilling class consciousness in them. No matter how prominent a personality he was in his time, today few remember the maestro Vicente Lombardo Toledano, despite the many streets and schools named after him. However, the story of his life reveals the vivid and contradictory history of the 20th century, with traces that remain in contemporary Mexico.


Author(s):  
Hannah Gill

Chapter 2 recalls North Carolina’s four-hundred-year history of migration to the state. Immigrant populations from Europe and Africa provide a background for later Latin American immigration to North Carolina. Importantly, the chapter places North Carolina immigration history in a larger national context. U.S. policies have shaped who has migrated to North Carolina by dictating the inclusion and exclusion of immigrant groups throughout the nation’s history. Political and economic relations between the United States and Mexico have also created extensive migration networks between the two countries and have led to the formation of centuries-old Latino communities in border states that now look to North Carolina for new opportunities. In more recent years, Asian immigrants have settled in the state and represent one of the fastest growing demographic groups.


2001 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Ehrick

In 1910, the Uruguayan Public Assistance Law established the concept of universal poor relief, declaring that “anyone … indigent or lacking resources has the right to free assistance at the expense of the state.” Nothing better than this law qualifies Uruguay for its distinction as the ‘first welfare state’ in Latin America. As in other countries, much of the first social assistance legislation targeted poor women and children and relied on elite women for much of its implementation. In the Uruguayan case, the primary intersections between public assistance and private philanthropy were the secular “ladies’ committees” (comités de damas), charitable organizations without direct ties to the Catholic Church. These organizations were also an important catalyst for liberal feminism in Uruguay, whose chronology—from the foundation of the National Women's Council in 1916 through the women's suffrage law of 1932—closely parallels the history of the early Uruguayan welfare state. Following a discussion of the formation of the National Public Assistance and its significance for class and gender politics in Uruguay, this article will summarize the evolving relationship between the Uruguayan social assistance bureaucracy and one of these groups, theSociedad“La Bonne Garde,” an organization that worked with young unmarried mothers. It then discusses how a formal and direct relationship with the state helped make the Bonne Garde and other groups like it a principal point of entry for many elite women in the early phases of Uruguayan liberal feminism. Finally, this article shows how processes set in motion in the 1910s resulted in a relative marginalization of elite women from both state welfare and organized liberal feminism in the 1920s. Through an examination of the history of these ladies’ committees, we gain new insight into both welfare state formation in its earliest Latin American example as well as some of the elements and circumstances which helped shape liberal feminism in Uruguay.


1968 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 174-179
Author(s):  
Magnus Mörner

A. Wedin’s Works in General Although the history of the Inca empire has received more attention from scholars and laymen than almost any other aspect of Latin American history, the state of research is far from satisfactory. The writings of generations of students of Inca history have deposited thick layers of myths. It is urgently required that these layers be removed before any serious historical reconstruction can be undertaken. However, the task is risky. Perhaps only quagmire is to be found beneath.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-81
Author(s):  
María Alaniz ◽  
◽  
Rodrigo Bruera ◽  

This article aims to make visible the transformation proposed by the progressive governments of Latin America after their irruption in the poli­tical scene of the 21st century. Their political and communication agendas, framed in the concept of Communicational State, are based on considering communication as a right and not as a commodity. It is based on a conceptual and analytical review, through readings of speeches, documents and news, of three cases of political interest that have originated in Argentina (referring to the Audiovisual Communication Services Law), Bolivia (regarding women's participation in politics) and Venezuela (regarding the promotion of community media, as a confrontation with the private system). It should be clarified that this article synthesizes some of the results of a research project aimed at recognizing the impact of some political issues from the communication action of governments in the Latin American region during the period 2010-2015. In conclusion, it can be said that governments have articulated public policies, in the field of communication, aimed at building their own political agendas capable of entering fully into the disputes of the political media scene, as well as expanding new media, leaving a mark on the work of journalists.


Itinerario ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-66
Author(s):  
J. P. de Valk

The source material for the history of Catholic missionary activities in the Dutch colonies during the last century is hardly available in much abundance in the mother country. The Dutch archivist and bibliographer, Marius Roessingh, had to make do in his U.N.E.S.C.O. archival guide on Netherlandish Latin American materials with a “memorandum,” in which he signalled utility of the Vatican archives. Another author in the same series, Frits Jaquet, in his second volume on Asia and Oceania, could be more explicit: he pointed to the materials kept in the state archives at Utrecht, in the Catholic Documentation Centre at Nijmegen University, and in various ecclesiastical archives. In nearly all cases, his emphasis falls within the first half of the 20th century. Such is also true with the detailed survey of materials available in the Catholic Documentation Centre that was featured two years ago in Itinerario, with only one important exception: the archive of the apostolic prefecture, later Apostolic Vicarate of Batavia (1807–1949, on microfiche), that obviously forms an essential source for the mission history of the Netherlands Indies.


Author(s):  
Mario Peters

Although car-ownership matters to many Latin Americans and cars are nearly omnipresent in daily life in Latin American societies, very little is known about important aspects of the social and cultural histories of automobility in Latin America. However, in the last ten years, several historians have begun to approach the meanings of automobility in Latin American countries. This trend is closely connected to recent developments and new approaches in the international research on mobility, the latter of which I discuss in the first part of this essay. To proceed, I analyze the state of the art on the history of automobility in Latin America, focusing on the following aspects: the emergence of early Latin American car cultures, car and traffic-related social conflicts, and road building. In the last part I ponder on the question of how future studies might advance the state of research on automobility and offer new perspectives on central themes in Latin American history.Although car-ownership matters to many Latin Americans and cars are nearly omnipresent in daily life in Latin American societies, very little is known about important aspects of the social and cultural histories of automobility in Latin America. However, in the last ten years, several historians have begun to approach the meanings of automobility in Latin American countries. This trend is closely connected to recent developments and new approaches in the international research on mobility, the latter of which I discuss in the first part of this essay. To proceed, I analyze the state of the art on the history of automobility in Latin America, focusing on the following aspects: the emergence of early Latin American car cultures, car and traffic-related social conflicts, and road building. In the last part I ponder on the question of how future studies might advance the state of research on automobility and offer new perspectives on central themes in Latin American history.


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