Gurye

2019 ◽  
pp. 69-100
Author(s):  
Suhi Choi
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Southwestern Part ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Us ◽  
Memorial Sites

The term “Yŏsun Killings” refers to a prewar atrocity in which the US-allied South Korean forces killed numerous civilians who were accused of being either communists or communist sympathizers in the cities that had been occupied by rebels in the southwestern part of South Korea. As one of the sites of these atrocities, Gurye became the first town in South Korea to erect a public memorial in 2006 for the victims of the Yŏsun Killings. Gurye presents a case that demonstrates how democratized South Korea has continued to negotiate a strong legacy of anticommunism, even at its subversive memorial sites. In a land that has long muted the memories of an old atrocity, suppressed mourners in Gurye are still struggling to reclaim their fundamental yet long-deprived rights to mourn the loss of their loved ones.

Right to Mourn

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suhi Choi
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Memory Space ◽  
War Memorials ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Transient Interactions ◽  
Memorial Sites

Right to Mourn illustrates how suppressed trauma is manifested at the transient interactions among bodies, objects, and rituals in the sites of Korean War memorials. In a highly politicized memory space, many bereaved families of the Korean War have long been deprived of their rights to mourn the loss of their loved ones. These suppressed mourners comprise mainly survivors and victims’ families of the atrocities committed by the US-allied South Korean forces before and during the Korean War. The book explores dialectic roles that memorial sites can play in communicating suppressed trauma: Can a memorial facilitate empathic mourning in which trauma possibly could be transmitted—as incomprehensible, incommunicable, and inaccessible as it is? To further explore such a query, the book critically introduces the specific sites of Korean War memorials in South Korea that were recently built to commemorate the atrocities of the US-allied South Korean forces: the Jeju April 3 Peace Park, the Memorial for the Gurye Victims of Yŏsun Killings, and the No Gun Ri Peace Park. Unpacking these nascent sites of the Korean War, the book provokes readers to look at the nearly seven-decade-old war in the most updated context of the acts of mourning.

Korea: divided nation, divided allegiances

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Woodward
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Economic Benefit ◽  
Mutual Economic ◽  
Economic Miracle ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Close Proximity ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post War ◽  
North And South

This chapter looks at South Korea’s response to the US ‘pivot’. It takes stock of the post-war division of the peninsula and its consequences for the international alignment of both North and South. It considers how the ‘economic miracle’ in South Korea led to growing competition with Japan and greater synergies with China. It looks at the degree to which North Korea threatens stability in the region, and to what extent its demonisation justifies a major US presence in close proximity to China. The chapter discusses whether resurgent China is seen as a threat to South Korean interests or chiefly viewed through the prism of mutual economic benefit; and contrasts alleged concerns about China with those provoked by Japan. It concludes that while South Korea has continued to step up its military collaboration with the US, it has not become a cheerleader for pushing back against China and has not signed up to a US strategy to contain China.

South Korea-US alliance will weather Chinese pressure

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Infrastructure Investment ◽  
Investment Bank ◽  
Content Type ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank ◽  
The Us ◽  
Trade Partner

Significance Along with the stabbing of the US ambassador to Seoul by a South Korean activist earlier this month, sharp comments from a top US official about Seoul's 'Japan-bashing', and Seoul's potential membership of a new China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), this points to new tensions in key regional relationships. Impacts Seoul's foremost challenge, alongside Pyongyang and related, is navigating between its US ally and its neighbour and trade partner, China. Fear of Pyongyang, plus annoyance at Beijing's hectoring, mean that Seoul may agree to host a missile defence battery. Parlous Seoul-Tokyo relations seriously worry Washington, but Park's falling popularity makes it hard to reverse her unbending stance.

China-South Korea trade relationship will transform

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Creative Industries ◽  
New Developments ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Economic Relationships ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Us ◽  
Trade Relationship

Subject New developments in China-South Korea economic relations. Significance China and South Korea have one of the most important bilateral economic relationships. Politics trumped economics when China imposed de facto sanctions in response to South Korea's hosting of the US military's THAAD missile defence system -- but there are more fundamental changes underway, too. Impacts South Korean companies will be more cautious about investing in China and will further diversify their investment destinations. South Korea's government and firms will work harder to develop South-East Asian markets for the country's tourism and creative industries. Links will develop further between Chinese and South Korean firms within cross-border technological chains. Overall volumes of bilateral trade will continue to increase, regardless of political tension and economic rivalry.

Anticommunism as regime legitimisation strategy in South Korea in the 1960s

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Natalia Matveeva
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
American Military ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Park Chung Hee ◽  
The Us ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

Since its founding in 1948, South Korea existed on the forefront of the Cold War divide between the two rival blocs. The 'communist threat' was never far from the South Korean leaders' minds, yet it was not until the 1960s that anti-communism was turned into a strategy for regime legitimisation. In 1961, as a result of a coup d'état, a military regime came to power. Its first and most important goal was to legitimise itself both domestically and internationally. General Park Chung-hee, the leader of the military junta, chose anticommunism as part of his strategy. It was deployed to convince the US of the new regime's commitment to defending the country against any possible threat; to prevent American military and economic withdrawal from Korea, and to justify the intensive drive for rapid economic development, for which the general later became renowned. This article argues that South Korean anticommunism in the early 1960s was a complex and conscious strategy aimed at establishing the foundations for the new military regime and ensuring its continued survival. Based on Park Chung-hee's speeches and books and the available archival sources, the article illustrates the way in which anticommunism was presented and how it was used as part of the regime's legitimising strategy.

The Koreanization of the Australian Sex Industry: A Policy and Legislative Challenge

2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 13-36
Author(s):  
Norma Caroine
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Sex Trafficking ◽  
Sex Industry ◽  
Australian Government ◽  
South Korean Government ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Korean Government ◽  
Operating Environments ◽  
The Us

South Korea enacted Legislation in 2004 that penalizes pimps, traffickers, and sex industry customers while decriminalizing people in prostitution and offering assistance to leave the sex industry. In contrast, Australia Legally recognizes most sex industry activities. This article argues that Australia`s Laissezfaire approach to the sex industry hampers South Korean government efforts to prevent the crime of sex trafficking. Since 2004, pimps and traffickers have moved their activities from South Korea to countries like Australia and the US that maintain relatively hospitable operating environments for the sex industry. The Australian government should reconsider its approach to prostitution on the basis of its diplomatic obligations to countries Like South Korea and the need to uphold the human rights of women in Asia who are being trafficked and murdered as a result of sexual demand emanating from Australia. Australia should coordinate its policy on prostitution with South Korea to strengthen the region`s transnational anti-trafficking response.

scholarly journals Metadiscourse in persuasive essays by elementary students in South Korea and the US

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 80-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Il-Hee Kim
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Rural And Urban Areas ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Sentence Level ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Persuasive Essays ◽  
The Us

AbstractThis study investigated metadiscourse in the persuasive essays of fourth graders from both urban and rural communities: 224 students in South Korea and 188 in the US. Each student was asked to write a persuasive essay in his or her native Korean or English in response to a story not previously read or discussed. Analysis with a taxonomy developed by Hyland (2004) indicated significant differences in the metadiscourse by country. In terms of interactive metadiscourse, South Korean students used more sentence-level transitions than U.S. students, who used more frame markers and endophoric markers. With regard to interactional metadiscourse, U.S. students used more hedges, boosters, engagement markers, and self-mentions in their essays. This study also compared the students′ essays by the type of community in which the writers lived. In the US the essays of students in rural communities contained more hedges, whereas those of students in urban areas included significantly more self-mentions. In South Korea, no significant difference was detected in the metadiscourse of students living in rural and urban areas.

South Korea faces growing headwinds at home and abroad

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
The South ◽  
Content Type ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
At Home

Significance Professing fury at the exercises, Pyongyang insulted South Korean President Moon Jae-in and says it will no longer talk to Seoul. The South Korean and Japanese foreign ministers met today in Beijing, amid worsening bilateral relations. South Korea’s presidential office said today that it will review “until the last moment” whether or not to renew the bilateral General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) with Tokyo, set to expire on August 24. Impacts With 'face' at stake and populist passions aroused, palpable economic pain may be necessary before Japan and South Korea de-escalate. Pyongyang’s recent flurry of missile tests indicates impatience; longer-range missiles might dent the US president’s professed indifference. A recent top-level North Korean military visit to China signifies a new field of cooperation. North Korea’s army may be regaining political heft in Pyongyang.

Democratization and the US-South Korean Alliance

2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dong Sun Lee
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Power Disparity ◽  
Political Clout ◽  
The Us

This article explains why, in the wake of South Korea's democratization, the US-Republic of Korea alliance has suffered a steady decline while avoiding an abrupt collapse. The author argues that democratization weakened this asymmetric alliance by increasing the political influence of nationalism in South Korea. New South Korean democratic elites, subscribing to nationalist ideals, demanded an autonomous, equal relationship with the United States regardless of the de facto power disparity between the two countries. These elites also deemphasized the security threat from North Korea—with which they perceived a shared national identity—and adopted an unconditional engagement policy with that nation. The United States, in turn, resented the apparently unrealistic policies of these elites and showed a decreased interest in the alliance. Democratization, however, did not cause an abrupt end to the alliance, for two reasons. First, North Korea's military strength preserved a significant strategic need in South Korea for allied support. Second, as the result of a measured transition process, old pro-alliance elites in South Korea retained enough political clout to proscribe a radical shift in foreign policy away from the alliance with the United States, while new elites had opportunities to reconcile their nationalist ideals with strategic realities.

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