Hardening, 1820–1834

Bosom Friends ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 42-65
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Balcerski
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Andrew Jackson ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Future Role ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Formative Experiences ◽  
Male Friendships ◽  
American Minister

Chapter 2 turns to how Buchanan and King established themselves within the Democratic Party of Andrew Jackson. In both cases, the chapter stresses the roles of intimate male friendships and the Washington boardinghouse, or mess, in developing a cross-sectional, though partisan, approach to their politics. Equally, it looks at important moments of conflict in each man’s life: King’s factional fighting with Democrats in his adopted state of Alabama, where he established a plantation called Chestnut Hill near Selma, and Buchanan’s struggles against the various elements of the Democratic Party of Pennsylvania. It also recounts Buchanan’s experience as the American minister to Russia, highlighting the ways in which his foreign exile connected him to King and prepared him for his future role as senator and secretary of state. These formative experiences served to harden their future political convictions and bespoke the continued need for intimate male friendships in their future endeavors.

scholarly journals Who Can Be President of the United States?: Candidate Hillary Clinton and the Problem of Statutory Qualifications

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-121
Author(s):  
Seth Barrett Tillman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The United States ◽  
Primary Elections ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Record Keeping ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Federal Statute ◽  
The U.S

Abstract Qualifications for public office restrict democratic choice, but such restrictions have a long pedigree in many jurisdictions. For example, the U.S. Constitution sets out qualifications for elected federal officials: i.e., Representative, Senator, President, and Vice President. Qualifications for those positions include provisions relating to age, citizenship, and residence. It has been long debated whether these textual qualifications are exclusive (i.e., floors and ceilings) or whether they are merely floors, which can be supplemented by additional qualifications imposed by Congress or by the States. Once again, this issue has become topical. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is a prominent candidate in now-ongoing Democratic Party primary elections. These primaries select delegates to a national convention which will choose the Democratic Party’s candidate for the 2016 popular presidential election. It has been alleged that, during her term as Secretary of State, Clinton violated a provision of the federal statute mandating government record keeping. 18 U.S.C. § 2071 provides: “Whoever, having the custody of any … record … willfully and unlawfully conceals, removes, mutilates, obliterates, falsifies, or destroys the same … shall forfeit his office and be disqualified from holding any office under the United States.” This Article addresses two interesting interpretive challenges posed by Section 2071. First, does Section 2071’s “office under the United States” language reach the presidency? Second, if Section 2071’s “office under the United States” language encompasses the presidency, is the statute constitutional? In other words, does Congress have the power to create additional qualifications for the presidency?

The Pet Banks in Jacksonian Politics and Finance, 1833–1841

1963 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry N. Scheiber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Financial Policy ◽  
Andrew Jackson ◽  
Federal Funds ◽  
Political Role ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

In September 1833, Andrew Jackson issued an executive order ending deposit of Federal funds in the Bank of the United States, which had been the government depository since 1817. The culmination of Jackson's long struggle with the Bank and its friends in Congress, this measure closed a chapter in the political history of the era. To the conservative Jacksonians, “victory over the Bank of the United States was a consummation” that freed the state banks and business enterprise from the control of a powerful and despised institution. To the radical, hard-money faction of the Democratic party, however, “removal of the deposits” (as the order was popularly termed) was merely a first step toward more fundamental reform—elimination of the monetary disturbances that they attributed to reliance on bank paper for the currency of the country. Because of this divergence of views, partisan and factional disputes over Jacksonian financial policy did not cease with victory over the Bank. Central to the continuing debate was the relationship of die Treasury Department to the group of state-chartered banks, usually called the “pet banks,” in which Federal funds were deposited after September 1833. My purpose here is to review Treasury operations in die period 1833–1841, to suggest the political role of die pet banks and the economic impact of financial policy in die administrations of Jackson and Van Buren.

Jackson Men

2020 ◽  
pp. 44-74
Author(s):  
Michael E. Woods
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Early History ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Martin Van Buren ◽  
History Of ◽  
Jacksonian Democracy ◽  
The Moment

This chapter surveys the early history of the Democratic Party and traces Stephen Douglas and Jefferson Davis’s paths into national politics. First, it charts the rise of Jacksonian Democracy in the 1820s and 1830s, using the career of Martin Van Buren to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of the party’s cross-sectional coalition. Although successful in winning elections and notching policy victories, the Democratic Party suffered from ominous sectional divisions. These became especially alarming in the 1840s, just as Douglas and Davis entered Congress. Loyal to Jackson and devoted to the Democracy, Davis and Douglas entertained divergent visions for the party’s future. Douglas embraced the party’s populist rhetoric, muscular expansionism, and commitment to white men’s egalitarianism. Davis regarded the party as an instrument for protecting slavery by making preservation of masters’ property rights a national imperative. Friction between these rival Democrats shaped both men’s careers from the moment they stepped onto the national political stage.

Ministering, 1844–1848

Bosom Friends ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 118-142
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Balcerski
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
American Minister ◽  
Presidential Nominations

Chapter 5 traces a period of extended separation between Buchanan and King, from 1844 to 1848. During the administration of President James Polk each man turned his attention to foreign policy concerns, with Buchanan as secretary of state and King as American minister to France. Their relationship had now been transformed from an intimate boardinghouse friendship into one of political superior (Buchanan) to subordinate (King). But their continued collaboration proved critical as the nation navigated first the Oregon territorial crisis and then the War with Mexico, both of which required careful diplomacy to avoid entanglements with European powers. The end of their respective terms of ministerial service found each man considering retirement, but each tried and failed once more for their party’s presidential and vice presidential nominations.

Running, 1848–1853

Bosom Friends ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 143-168
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Balcerski
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Precipitous Decline ◽  
American Minister

Chapter 6 considers the presidential election of 1848, the Compromise of 1850, and the election of 1852. During these years the friendship of Buchanan and King first intensified, then cooled, as each man took a separate path to political power. In 1852 the Democratic Party refused to place Buchanan and King on the same ticket, because the pair had become too closely associated together to balance its growing sectional and ideological divisions. Instead, the Democracy chose the dark horse Franklin Pierce for president and then selected King as his running mate to pacify Buchanan and his supporters. King’s precipitous decline in health, followed by his death in April 1853, ended the decades-long political and personal friendship with Buchanan. In response, Buchanan prepared for another round of exile abroad, this time as American minister to England.

scholarly journals The Ideological Asymmetry of the American Party System

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Paul M. Sniderman
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
American Party

Most Americans support liberal policies on the social welfare agenda, the dominant policy cleavage in American politics. Yet a striking feature of the US party system is its tendency to equilibrium. How, then, does the Republican Party minimize defection on the social welfare agenda? The results of this study illustrate a deep ideological asymmetry between the parties. Republican identifiers are ideologically aware and oriented to a degree that far exceeds their Democratic counterparts. Our investigation, which utilizes cross-sectional, longitudinal and experimental data, demonstrates the role of ideological awareness and involvement in the Republicans’ ability to maintain the backing of their supporters even on issues on which the position of the Democratic Party is widely popular. It also exposes two mechanisms, party branding and the use of the status quo as a focal point, that Democrats use to retain or rally support for issues on the social welfare agenda on which the Republican Party’s position is widely popular.

scholarly journals COVID-19 and Asian Americans: How Elite Messaging and Social Exclusion Shape Partisan Attitudes

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Nathan Kar Ming Chan ◽  
Jae Yeon Kim ◽  
Vivien Leung
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Asian Americans ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Group ◽  
The Other ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Media Study

Extending theories of social exclusion and elite messaging, we argue that Trump’s targeted rhetoric toward Asian Americans during the COVID-19 pandemic pushes the racial group, largely “Independent” or nonpartisan affiliated, to lean more towards the Democratic Party. We support this claim by combining social media (Study 1) and survey data (Study 2) analysis. Tracing 1.4 million tweets, we find that Trump’s rhetoric has popularized racially charged coronavirus-related terms and that exclusionary, anti-Asian attitudes have increased in the United States since the pandemic began. Next, by analyzing repeated cross-sectional weekly surveys of Asian Americans from July 2019 to May 2020 (n=12,907), we find that the group has leaned more towards the Democratic Party since Trump first made inflammatory remarks towards Asian Americans. Whites, Blacks, and Latina/os, on the other hand, exhibited fewer and less consistent changes in Democratic Party-related attitudes. Our findings suggest that experiences with social exclusion that are driven by elite sources further cement Asian Americans as Democrats.

scholarly journals The potential of online sampling for studying political activists around the world and across time

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Jäger
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Low Cost ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Local Leader ◽  
Random Samples ◽  
The Social ◽  
Online Sampling ◽  
Alternative For Germany

Parties and social movements play an important role in many theories of political science. Yet, the study of intraparty politics remains underdeveloped as random samples are difficult to conduct among political activists. This paper proposes a novel procedure to sample different parties over time and space by utilizing the advertising option of the social media webpage Facebook. As this method allows for quotas and the collection of large samples at relatively low cost, it becomes possible to improve the representativeness through poststratification and subsample robustness checks. Three examples illustrate these advantages of Facebook sampling: First, a Facebook sample approximated intraparty decisions and the outcome of a leadership contest of the Alternative for Germany. Second, a weighted Facebook sample achieved similar estimates as a representative local leader survey of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Third, by evaluating subgroups of key demographics for parties with unknown population parameters, two Facebook samples show that the color-coded conflict in Thailand was driven by different concepts of regime type, but not by a left–right divide on economic policy-making. Facebook sampling appears to be the best and cheapest method to conduct time-series cross-sectional studies for political activists.

PUK–KDP Conflict: Future Kurdish Status in Kirkuk

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Farhad Hassan Abdullah
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Future Role ◽  
Iraqi Kurdistan ◽  
The Future ◽  
The City

After the September 25 referendum, the political and military developments in the disputed territories resulted in significant threats toward Iraqi Kurdistan and also deepened the internal rivalry between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). The Kurdish lost control of Kirkuk, which was the strongest Kurdish-held disputed territory in Iraq. Subsequently, on October 16, the Iraqi military attacked the city, and the Kurdish forces fled, unable to defend it. This article discusses the various disputes between the PUK and KDP vis-à-vis Kirkuk. It will also identify possible scenarios for the future role of the Kurds in Kirkuk and the wider implications of the city being ruled by an acting governor representing the Kurds. This article concludes that electing a new governor and returning the Kurdish parties in the Brotherhood List to the Council of Kirkuk is the best scenario.

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