Jackson Men

Author(s):  
Michael E. Woods

This chapter surveys the early history of the Democratic Party and traces Stephen Douglas and Jefferson Davis’s paths into national politics. First, it charts the rise of Jacksonian Democracy in the 1820s and 1830s, using the career of Martin Van Buren to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of the party’s cross-sectional coalition. Although successful in winning elections and notching policy victories, the Democratic Party suffered from ominous sectional divisions. These became especially alarming in the 1840s, just as Douglas and Davis entered Congress. Loyal to Jackson and devoted to the Democracy, Davis and Douglas entertained divergent visions for the party’s future. Douglas embraced the party’s populist rhetoric, muscular expansionism, and commitment to white men’s egalitarianism. Davis regarded the party as an instrument for protecting slavery by making preservation of masters’ property rights a national imperative. Friction between these rival Democrats shaped both men’s careers from the moment they stepped onto the national political stage.

Neurology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 98 (1 Supplement 1) ◽  
pp. S23.1-S23
Author(s):  
Carlos Pinheiro ◽  
Francisca Taciane Nascimento Sousa

ObjectiveTo evaluate the self-reported history of concussion in athletes of both Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu (BJJ) and Muay Thai.BackgroundCombat sports are widely practiced around the world. They include modalities that involves punches or kicks directed at the opponent's head (Striking sports) or that consists of grabbing an opponent and taking him to the ground (Grappling sports). Due to the objectives and close contact in combat sports, the risk of concussion is significant.Design/MethodsThis was a cross-sectional study involving a Brazilian sample of BJJ athletes (n-18) and Muay Thai athletes (n-22). The sample was consisted of both professional and amateur athletes (Women constituted 20% of sample). Through individual interviews with a researcher the following data were collected: self-report of concussion and the moment of the injury (whether in practice or in the fight). The Post-Concussion Symptoms Scale (PCSS) was also applied. In the present study, a concussion was considered as a direct impact on the head followed by symptoms. This study was approved by a local Ethics Committee.ResultsAmong BJJ athletes, 61% reported a history of concussion, while among Muay Thai athletes the percentage was more higher (86%). The main mechanisms of head impact were the throw/takedown and elbow-hits to the head in BJJ and punches and knee-hits to the head in Muay Thai. There was no difference in the symptom score between BJJ and Muay Thai concussed athletes (average of 11 vs 10.7, respectively). The most common symptoms were dizziness, headache and nausea in BJJ athletes, and headache, nausea, drowsiness and brain fogginess in Muay Thai ones.ConclusionsThe results presented herein suggest that concussions in Muay Thai and BJJ occur through different mechanisms. The clinical profile of post-concussion symptoms appears to be different between BJJ and Muay Thai athletes.


1965 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice F. Wiles

The New Testament writers, we are constantly being reminded, were not in the stricter sense of the word theologians. We all know what that reminder means and it is one of no small value. It would be disastrous, however, were we to allow it to suggest to us that the Christian writers of the ensuing centuries were men of an entirely different species, whose natural habitat was the study and whose primary characteristic was disinterested reflexion on theological topics. Their teaching, too, can only be rightly understood in the light of the particular concerns and pressures of the moment, which impinged upon them. The importance of this approach to the study of the Fathers is particularly well exemplified by the early history of the question whether or not Christ possessed a human soul.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Malikova

Artiklis vaadeldakse eellugu nähtusele, mida Andrei Azov nimetas „bukvalistide kukutamiseks“ ning mis viis pooleks sajandiks nn nõukogude tõlkekoolkonna monopolini. Selle nähtuse algust näeme 1934. aastas, mil ilmusid ja said professionaalse arutelu objektiks silmapaistavate vene filoloog-tõlkijate Gustav Špeti ja Boriss Jarho novaatorlikud võõrapärastavad tõlked ja samal ajal seoses Nõukogude kirjanike esimese kongressiga leidis aset toores heteronoomia sissetung tõlkevälja ning tekkis sellest heteronoomiast kasu lõikav kriitiline diskursus. Olulisemate filoloog-tõlkijate hukkumine suure terrori ajal aitas kaasa kriitikute võidukäigule tõlkijate üle ja sealhulgas vene tõlkeajaloo retrospektiivsele moonutamisele, mida käesolev artikkel püüab parandada. Toetudes Lawrence Venuti tuntud teooriale võõrapärastavast ning kodustavast tõlkest, on seda dihhotoomiat diferentseeritud vastavalt nõukogude heteronoomsetele tingimustele.   The article discusses the pre-history of what Andrey Azov famously called “the overthrow of the literalists”, and the beginning of the half-a-century domination of the “Soviet school of translation” in Russia. It aims to locate and scrutinise the moment when the previous translation trend, later pejoratively labelled as “literalism”, gave way to the “Soviet school”. In the post-war years, the Russian translators Evgeny Lann and Georgy Shengeli were subjected to harsh criticism as “literalists” by the literary critic, translator and translation theorist Ivan Kashkin. In the official history of Soviet translation as outlined in the Literary Encyclopedia (1968), they were presented as key figures of a translation trend, also labelled “formalist” and “technologically exact”, both post- and pre-war. This version of the history of Soviet translation, still resounding even in Azov’s study (2013), is strongly distorted and needs to be rewritten in a more analytical way. Primarily, the term “literalists”, that was used loosely and pejoratively at the time, can by no means serve as instrumental today. One of the most adequate self-labels of this trend in translation that had its heyday throughout the 1930s, notably in the activities of the Academia publishing house and the Commission for the Study of Literary Translation at the Moscow State Academy of Art Sciences (GAKhN), is “artistically scientific”. In order to describe the trend adequately it should be noted that the “nomination” of Lann and Shengeli as “literalists” and the main targets of post-war criticism owes primarily to the fact that the much more influential key figures of this “school”, mentioned in the Literary Encyclopedia (1934) as the “best present-day translators” – Mikhail Kuzmin, Adrian Pyotrovsky, Boris Yarkho, Mikhail Petrovsky – had either died (Kuzmin) or fallen victim to the great purges that hit also the GAKhNovites, including Gustav Shpet. Their names became unmentionable, while the translation projects and discussions of the 1930s associated with them could not be properly considered in translation histories. In order to reconstruct the true history of Soviet translation they have to be restored to their rightful place. The pivotal point that marked both the acme of the “artistically scientific” translation, as well as the beginning of its demise, was the year 1934. It famously saw the First All-Union Congress of Writers at which translation was declared not the “private domain of a couple of literary pedants, not the academic theme for a philologist’s thesis, but an affair of utmost state importance”. Integration of translation into Stalinist national politics (discussions at the Writers’ Congress were centred on the interests of Soviet nationalities and on praising the free translations made by poets) resulted in a drastic decline of autonomy in the field and in the competition between critics profiting from the heteronomy concerning who would define the true “Soviet translation” and thus have the power to judge. The brilliant samples of scientifically founded translations of classics that appeared in 1934 – Boris Yarkho’s rendition of the medieval romance La Chanson de Roland and Gustav Shpet’s new Russian Dickens and Shakespeare (both to become virtually erased from the history of Soviet translation later on) became the focal point of the dispute over what “Soviet translation” should be. The article reconstructs both Yarkho’s and Shpet’s philologically based translation premises and the conflicting reception of their work by fellow philologists and by politically motivated critics. The transcript of a 1934 discussion held after Evgeny Lann’s report on the principles of the new Dickens translations preserved in the archives clearly shows that, at the time, all discussants, including Kashkin, addressed not Lann but Shpet as the real source of these principles and that it was only after Shpet’s arrest and death that the spearhead of criticism was aimed at Lann (who, unlike Shpet, unfortunately lacked the philological and spiritual stamina and weight to confront it decisively). As for Yarkho’s attempt to invent a Russian poetic diction adequate for rendering French syllabic verse and the heterogeneous style of the medieval war epic, it was both daring and philologically grounded and had been highly praised as a model “Soviet translation” by major philologists working in the field of translation, e.g. Mikhail Alexeev, Alexander Smirnov and Rosalia Shor. At the same time, critics trying to speak in accordance with the political line would criticise it harshly, programmatically declaring their preference for the outdated free-verse translation into Russian made by de la Barthe. In the history of Soviet translation, the transition from the “artistically scientific” or, to use a more familiar term, foreignising trend that had been flourishing throughout the 1930s and given brilliant practical as well as theoretical results, to a domesticating, ahistorical “Soviet school” that lacked theoretical reflection was not a natural evolution. Instead, it constituted a brutal intrusion of heteronomy into the field of translation, the triumph of politically oriented literary critics over professional translators and philologists that was strongly facilitated by the fact that many of the latter were repressed and, consequently, their names and works were erased from the history of Soviet translation.


1993 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tinne Hoff Kjeldsen

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 597-597
Author(s):  
M Anderson ◽  
A J Zynda ◽  
K M Petit ◽  
C P Tomczyk ◽  
T Covassin

Abstract Objective To compare state anxiety between concussed athletes with and without a history of sport related concussion (SRC). Method This study utilized a cross-sectional design. The State Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI) was administered to athletes within 72 hours of SRC diagnosis. The STAI is a subjective, 40-item inventory that assesses state and trait anxiety; however, this study only examined the state anxiety component. Participants reported how they were feeling at the moment of testing on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 4 (very much so). State anxiety scores range from 20–80, with higher scores indicating higher levels of state anxiety. An independent samples t-test was used to compare state anxiety between concussed athletes with and without a history of SRC. Statistical significance was set at p < .05. Results A total of 104 (18.12 ± 2.5 years; male = 65, female = 39) high school (n = 36) and collegiate (n = 68) athletes completed the STAI within 72 hours of SRC. Fifty-nine (56.7%) concussed athletes had no history of SRC and 45 (43.3%) athletes had a history of one or more SRCs. There was no significant difference in state anxiety between concussed athletes with (37.64 ± 9.22) and without (38.47 ± 9.44) a history of SRC (p = .65). Conclusions This study suggests that concussion history does not affect state anxiety after SRC. However, clinicians should continue to assess emotional changes after SRC in order to best manage and treat SRC.


Author(s):  
Robert M. Fisher

By 1940, a half dozen or so commercial or home-built transmission electron microscopes were in use for studies of the ultrastructure of matter. These operated at 30-60 kV and most pioneering microscopists were preoccupied with their search for electron transparent substrates to support dispersions of particulates or bacteria for TEM examination and did not contemplate studies of bulk materials. Metallurgist H. Mahl and other physical scientists, accustomed to examining etched, deformed or machined specimens by reflected light in the optical microscope, were also highly motivated to capitalize on the superior resolution of the electron microscope. Mahl originated several methods of preparing thin oxide or lacquer impressions of surfaces that were transparent in his 50 kV TEM. The utility of replication was recognized immediately and many variations on the theme, including two-step negative-positive replicas, soon appeared. Intense development of replica techniques slowed after 1955 but important advances still occur. The availability of 100 kV instruments, advent of thin film methods for metals and ceramics and microtoming of thin sections for biological specimens largely eliminated any need to resort to replicas.


1979 ◽  
Vol 115 (11) ◽  
pp. 1317-1319 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. E. Morgan

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Henry ◽  
David Thompson
Keyword(s):  

Crisis ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Mohammed Madadin ◽  
Ritesh G. Menezes ◽  
Maha A. Alassaf ◽  
Abdulaziz M. Almulhim ◽  
Mahdi S. Abumadini ◽  
...  

Abstract. Background: Medical students are at high risk of suicidal ideation. Aim: We aimed to obtain information on suicidal ideation among medical students in Dammam located in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. Method: This cross-sectional study was conducted at the College of Medicine affiliated with Imam Abdulrahman Bin Faisal University in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. Suicidal ideation in the past 12 months was assessed based on responses to four questions in the depression subscale of the General Health Questionnaire 28 (GHQ-28). In addition, data were collected to examine the association of suicidal ideation with various factors. Results: We found that 1 in 3 medical students in the study had suicidal ideation in the past 12 months, while around 40% had lifetime suicidal ideation. Suicidal ideation was associated with feelings of parental neglect, history of physical abuse, and dissatisfaction with academic performance. Limitations: The cross-sectional nature of this study limits its ability to determine causality regarding suicidal ideation. Conclusion: These rates are considerably high when compared with rates from studies in other countries around the world. This study provides a reference in the field of suicidology for this region of Saudi Arabia.


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