The LORD will Exalt the Power of his Anointed

2021 ◽  
pp. 191-200
Author(s):  
Rachelle Gilmour

To conclude, the limits of Kantian retribution for ethics are reviewed and the diversity of approaches to ethical reasoning that may be applied to divine violence in the book of Samuel are emphasised. Three ethical, literary, and political considerations of this study are highlighted. Firstly, the study is organised around instances of subjective violence, but attention to systemic, objective violence has raised alternative evaluations of the ethics of the violence. Secondly, different kinds of emotions/cognitions of God are correlated with the formulations of divine violence. For each emotion/cognition resulting in violence, a corresponding example is given where the same emotion/cognition results in blessing. The contiguity of different formulations of divine violence in 2 Sam 24 suggests a coherence to God’s characterisation despite the diverse traditions, not a ‘light’ and a ‘dark’ side to God. Finally, the political visions of divine violence in the book of Samuel are oriented towards an ideology of the Davidic kings. Although human monarchic sovereignty is expansive, it is also limited by divine violence.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Rachelle Gilmour

Through the example of David’s census in 2 Sam 24, key issues related to divine violence in the book of Samuel are introduced: the occurrence of inexplicable divine violence; the interplay of divine and human sovereignty; God’s emotion; and the relationship between forgiveness and punishment. The parameters for the use of the term ‘divine violence’ in this study are defined, taking into account the distinction between subjective and objective violence and Walter Benjamin’s technical use of the term. The methodology of this study is outlined. Debate regarding a proposed ‘dark side’ of God will be addressed through contemporary thinkers who challenge the dominance of retributive frameworks in ethical evaluation. An account of the characterisation of God will be given that acknowledges a diversity of traditions in the text and focuses minimally on narrative gaps. Political contexts for the divine violence will be proposed, both monarchic and exilic.


Author(s):  
Rachelle Gilmour

Much of the drama, theological paradox, and interpretive interest in the book of Samuel derives from instances of God’s violence in the story. The beginnings of Israel’s monarchy are interwoven with God’s violent rejection of the houses of Eli and of Saul, deaths connected to the Ark of the Covenant, and the outworking of divine retribution after David’s violent appropriation of Bathsheba as his wife. Divine Violence in the Book of Samuel explores these narratives of divine violence from ethical, literary, and political perspectives, in dialogue with the thought of Immanuel Kant, Martha Nussbaum, and Walter Benjamin. The book addresses such questions as: Is the God of Samuel a capricious God with a troubling dark side? Is punishment for sin the only justifiable violence in these narratives? Why does God continue to punish those already declared forgiven? What is the role of God’s emotions in acts of divine violence? In what political contexts might narratives of divine violence against God’s own kings and God’s own people have arisen? The result is a fresh commentary on the dynamics of transgression, punishment, and their upheavals in the book of Samuel. The book offers a sensitive portrayal of God’s literary characterisation, with a focus on divine emotion and its effects. By identifying possible political contexts in which the narratives arose, God’s violence is further illumined through its relation to human violence, northern and southern monarchic ideology, and Judah’s experience of the Babylonian exile.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 121-137
Author(s):  
Mega Afaf

We endeavor through this research paper to read the feminist movements, in particular countries in order to understand its dynamics and at the same time to foresee its future directions. To achieve this, as an adequate tool, Juri Lotman’s Culture and Explosion (2009) provides us a model for reading the different dynamics within feminism, as a cultural text, as well as its interconnection to other sign systems within the same semiotic sphere. Thus we can understand the interconnection of feminism with politics and society, and with its plurality of discourses makes it in constant change and exposed to explosions which would change its course in the future. These explosions are displayed through the political acts which were passed in favour of the women as a result of the feminist dynamics. Besides, the feminist movement has the capacity to integrate into other movements and also can be transformed into other movements, and thus, new realities and discourses are created. Within this arena, among these realities is the anti-feminist pornography as opposed to pro-sex feminists. From our stand point, pornography, and especially that in the digital age, is the dark side of the feminist movement. Semiotically, in Lotman’s (2009) model, pornography is abnormal, sick or non-existent because it is different from the norm. In the light of this, we are able to expose different views about the harms of pornography both on women and even men.


2016 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Holmes

Despite the limits of elections as a mechanism to secure accountability and ensure substantive representation, the 2016 elections drew the highest turnout across elections held since the political transition in 1986, a clear indication of electoralism. The high turnout may be a result of a relatively tightly contested race, with each of the main contenders appealing to constituencies that they symbolically represent. Nonetheless, the 2016 Presidential elections remained personality-oriented, media driven and political clan dominated. The eventual winner, Rodrigo Roa Duterte, garnered the presidency given a combination of factors: the clarity of his campaign message – focused on curbing a single problem (criminality, in general, and the illegal drug trade, in particular) that he elevated as the most serious concern that the next president should address; significant support from a geographic area (Mindanao) and associated ethno-linguistic groups (i.e., Bisaya); and, serious questions of character and competence raised against his opponents (i.e. Binay, Poe and Roxas).


1971 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 538-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hwa Yol Jung

Existentialism, for some of its severe critics, represents a temporary outburst of the dark side of man which is indicative of a passing phenomenon of our age and particularly of the postwar angry generation living on the morbid edges of death, anxiety and the absurdity of human existence. They contend that existentialism is not a philosophy or at least not a serious and disciplined philosophy. Professor Henry S. Kariel characterized existential psychology as “negativism,” and its counterpart, behavioral psychology, as “positivism”; and similarly Professor Eugene J. Meehan describes the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl as having sought to find philosophical certainty “in feeling rather than in thought,” an assessment that falsely indicts phenomenology as an irrationalism. I have singled out these two political theorists as representatives of a widespread misconception of existential philosophy and phenomenology, held as well, I suspect, by many American political theorists. This article is not designed as a direct rebuttal to these misunderstandings and criticisms; it is rather an attempt to show what I consider to be the significant and positive contributions of existential philosophy and phenomenology to the foundation of political theory.


Author(s):  
Michael Bader

AbstractCorporations, in their quest for the highest profit margin, have violated human rights, labour rights and environmental standards for decades, with little to no accountability. In recent years, the fight for corporate accountability under the banner of “Business and Human Rights” has come to dominate civil society’s engagement with the “question of the corporation.” This chapter aims to critically examine the political objectives underpinning the broad-church project of Business and Human Rights in its world-making aspirations, taking the Legally Binding Instrument currently under discussion at the UN Human Rights Council as a case study. Using a historical narrative approach, this article first situates the evolution of Business and Human Rights within neoliberal globalisation and, against this backdrop, attempts to think through the “dark side” of this particular strand of human rights activism. By bringing critical legal scholarship on the corporation and human rights into closer conversation with Business and Human Rights, the article aims to excavate the latter’s structural flaws, namely that it leaves the asymmetries in the global economy and the imperial corporate form unchallenged. By problematising Business and Human Rights’ presupposition of business as fact and its uncritical embrace of rights as positive change-makers, the article presents an invitation to rethink strategic political objectives vis-à-vis corporate rights abuses.


1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (102) ◽  
pp. 131-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingo Bode

The recent strike movement in France has been seen either as a combat of public sector employees willing to save their material privileges or - in contrast - as a generalized political protest in defense of national institutions and against economic globalization. There was also !arge discord in the weakened French left about whether or not to support the movement. In this mticle it is argued that behind this discord we can see different conceptions of what should be leftist solidarity, each of them being restricted to one of its basic dimensions: the ethical and the utilitaristic one. lt will be shown that along these lines we find a deep cleavage between the academic and the syndicalistic part of the French left in which trade unions figure as social movcment organisations and therefore account for the political character of the strike movemcnt. Despite their structural capacity to enrich pattcms of group interest with ethical reasoning, these organisations fail in what has bccn offercd by thc course of the movement and scems tobe the only way out of crisis: that is confronting the two dimensions of solidarity in a deliberative setting of Ieftist politics.


Author(s):  
Robert Setio

Because of its cryptic nature apocalypse Daniel 7 has been interpreted in many ways. Often it is linked to the end of time teachings. This kind of interpretation is problematic. First, while emphasizing the dark side of the prophecy, it fails to capture its main intention which is optimism toward the future. Second, apocalypse contains dualistic ideas, but, they are not supposed to be separated, let alone taking one side over the other. Apocalyptic dualism should be treated as an oscillating, always negotiating positions, tensional but creativecollisions. This article shows a reading of apocalypse that reveals dualism as an integrated entity. It also considers theological consequences of such a reading. While being placed within the world’s history, God is deeply involved in worldly drama which consists of tragedy, as well as, comedy. On the political side, this reading demonstrates that imperial history does not run by itself, but, always prones to subversive movements.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Martin Brueckner

THIS book by Nils Peterson and colleagues offers a detailed overview of both the social and environmental consequences of western housing fetishism. Not only do the authors marshal some powerful evidence that attests to the dark side of humanity’s drive towards more and larger homes, they also spell out accessible guidance principles for one-planet housing and point to directions for change across individual, regional, national and international scales. Whilst largely US-centric in orientation The Housing Bomb should resonate strongly across the political North, especially in countries like Australia where US housing patterns continue to be emulated.


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