Illuminating the dark side of development Introduction: an incomplete and contested picture of progress The global ‘protest caravan’ Decolonising the mindset of development The political and psychological satisfaction of ‘helping’ the poor The (geo)politics of aid Conclusions: geopolitics and the ‘apothecary’ of development remedies

2004 ◽  
pp. 32-56
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-158
Author(s):  
James A. Harris

AbstractMy point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.



2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Rakov

This article analyses practices related to the cult of Lenin in the confines of the Leningrad party organisation of the RCP(b) and its influence on innerparty discussions and political disagreements. The author aims to examine how appeal to the cult and Leninism helped shape the position of the Leningrad Bolsheviks led by G. E. Zinoviev. To achieve this goal, the author refers to a variety of sources, i. e. the works of the leaders of the Leningrad party organisation, such pamphlets by G. I. Safarov and G. E. Evdokimov, minutes of district party conferences, etc. The sources listed above suggest that the terms “testament,” “heritage,” and “task” used in party discourse symbolise a set of actions and principles, following and being faithful to which allowed party members to comply with the correct political line. For representatives of the Leningrad opposition, this meant relying on the poor and middle strata of the village. The category of practice mentioned in the title of this article means that attention was paid not so much to the function of quotations or clichéd phrases but rather to what party groups implied when quoting Lenin’s statements. The term “cult”, which historiography usually employs to describe the veneration of V. I. Lenin as the leader of the party, does not reflect the entirety of this process or take into account its productive component, namely, the fact that, because of its heterogeneity, Leninism allowed members of the Communist Party to pay attention to diverse aspects of Lenin’s heritage. In the course of the polemic surrounding issues facing the party (politics in the countryside, the possibility of building socialism in a single country, etc.), the Leningrad Bolsheviks turned to Leninism as a range of ideas legitimising their political position and as a tool for identifying the Bolsheviks who, in contrast to the Leningraders, “deviated” from the correct political line.



Author(s):  
Torben Iversen ◽  
David Soskice

This chapter considers the “second-order” effects of the transition to the knowledge economy. This means the set of preferences, beliefs, and party allegiances that are crystallizing as a consequence of the political-economic realities brought about by the knowledge economy. Chapter 3 considered “first-order” effects—immediate policy responses reflecting existing political coalitions—and showed that these responses were relatively limited and in most countries, failed to offer much compensation for those who lost out in the collapse of the Fordist economy. This chapter argues that this failure has created the political conditions for the rise of populism. Populism refers to a set of preferences and beliefs that rejects established parties and elites, that sees established politicians as gaming the system to their own advantage, and that at the same time sees the poor as undeserving of government support.



2021 ◽  
pp. 23-43
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner

This chapter presents the theoretical explanation that links core institutional features of democracy (political parties, competitive elections, civil society, and protection of democratic rights) to the political behavior of the poorest citizens. The focus is not only on those factors that boost the political activity of the poor, but those that have a disproportionately strong positive impact on poor people’s activism. The chapter argues that where civil society is strong, where political parties have the capacity and incentives to focus mobilization efforts on the poor, and where democratic institutions are strong, poor people will be able to participate at high levels.



2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner

This chapter introduces the core questions the book seeks to answer. What explains the political participation of poor people? What changed during the past two decades to enable such widespread participation by poor people? How have some Latin American democracies reduced gaps in participation across income and wealth groups? What role does clientelism play in mobilizing the poor? Despite persistently high poverty rates and high economic inequality, poor people in Latin America participate in politics at very high levels. This chapter lays out this puzzle and introduces the main argument of the book: that civil society organization, political parties, and competitive elections have an enormous impact on whether or not poor people turn out to vote, protest, and contact government officials. This chapter also briefly summarizes the research design and plan of the rest of the book.



2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liviu Alexandrescu

Following the 2016 general ban on new psychoactive substances, synthetic cannabinoids (‘spice’-type drugs) have moved into unregulated street markets and have become popular among homeless populations in the United Kingdom. Images of so-called ‘spice zombies’, rough sleepers in public spaces experiencing severe substance-induced fits, have been used by local and national media to suggest the growing scale of the problem. This article proposes that such depictions should be read through a cultural analysis rooted in the political economy of austerity policies, where the twofold stigma of substance and welfare dependencies directs guilt at the poor, concealing the systemic cruelty of benefits reforms. Through the circulation of such tropes and the ridiculing of a superfluous abject underclass that embodies them, media and political discourses of the ‘broken society’ highlight an evident need for welfare reduction and more generally for the austerity project.



2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 1545 ◽  
Author(s):  
Junying Lin ◽  
Zhonggen Zhang ◽  
Lingli Lv

Villagers’ participation in poverty alleviation programs has received considerable attention, especially with regard to the poor. However, not much is known about the welfare effect of villagers’ program participation. This paper analyzes the impact of villagers’ program participation on their incomes. We used household data from 529 villagers in China’s Whole Village Poverty Alleviation Program. We focused on two types of program participation—discussion and voting. Using the propensity score matching approach, we estimate the impact of rural households’ program participation on their income. The results show that the education and the political career of the household head determine program participation. Households participating in discussion and voting have a positive and significant effect on household income. Richer households benefit more from the program. However, the poor receive less benefits. We conclude that broadening villager’s participation can boost the effectiveness of China’s poverty alleviation program.



2008 ◽  
Vol 195 ◽  
pp. 675-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Kai-Sing Kung

AbstractA farm survey conducted in Wuxi county in the 1950s found that the Chinese Communist Party had successfully “preserved the rich peasant economy” in the “newly liberated areas”: the landlords were indeed the only social class whose properties had been redistributed, yet without compromising on the magnitude of benefits received by the poor peasants. A higher land inequality in that region, coupled with an inter-village transfer of land, allowed these dual goals to be achieved. Our study further reveals that class status was determined both by the amount of land a household owned and whether it had committed certain “exploitative acts,” which explains why some landlords did not own a vast amount of land. Conversely, it was the amount of land owned, not class status, that determined redistributive entitlements, which was why 15 per cent of the poor peasants and half of the middle peasants were not redistributed any land.



1987 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. A. Braithwaite ◽  
D. M. Gibson

ABSTRACTDifficulty in adjusting to retirement has consistently emerged as a problem for approximately a third of retirees. A body of research has converged on a description of the poor adjuster as one in poor health, with inadequate income, a negative pre-retirement attitude, but with an increased likelihood of adaptation over time. Findings relating to other factors such as socio-economic status, occupation, activity, career fulfilment, job satisfaction and work commitment are far less conclusive, with interpretation hampered by a failure to control for the more well established correlates of retirement adjustment. This paper reviews the empirical work in this field, evaluates the goal hierarchy model and the political economy of old age literature as bases for explaining differences in retirement adjustment, and proposes a theoretical framework for future research which brings these two perspectives together.



Author(s):  
Alexander J. Stein

While less apparent than outright hunger or obesity, the lack of essential vitamins and minerals in people’s diets is one of the leading contributors to the global burden of disease. Current interventions, such as supplementation or fortification, are being implemented with varying success, but—while important—overall progress in the fight against micronutrient malnutrition has been limited. Biofortification, the breeding of crops for higher contents of vitamins and minerals, is a new approach to complement existing interventions. This chapter gives an overview of the problem of micronutrient malnutrition and how it is measured; it briefly discusses current micronutrient interventions, and then presents the reasoning behind biofortification before it examines the feasibility of biofortifying crops and summarizes studies on their potential impact and economic justification. After listing current biofortification programs, the chapter looks into the political controversy surrounding genetic engineering in agriculture and how it relates to biofortification; it then concludes with an assessment of the current status of biofortification and its potential.



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