Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 183-190
Author(s):  
Samy Cohen

One of the major consequences of the polarization within Israeli society is the deep fracture between the majority of Israelis and the various peace movements. The general public no longer has faith in its pacifists and appreciates human rights organizations even less. The peace camp is perceived as dangerous, ineffective, and at risk of corroding the Zionist narrative of the right to the land of Israel, which insists that there is only one victim in the conflict. Conversely, peace activists no longer expect support from their fellow citizens or their political leaders. Most now seek backing from abroad. This is a major change, which has nevertheless largely gone unnoticed.

Author(s):  
Rhona K. M. Smith

This introductory chapter introduces the theme of this book, which is modern international human rights law. The book traces the unprecedented expansion in the internationally recognized rights of all people with acceptance of a human rights dimension to the quest for international peace and security following the formation of the United Nations in 1945. It examines the International Bill of Rights and the regional protection of human rights, and describes several human rights organizations including the Organization of American States and the African Union. The book discusses different types of rights, including the right to life, the right of liberty to persons, and the right to work, and also evaluates the monitoring, implementation, and enforcement of human rights laws.


2020 ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Christine Leuenberger ◽  
Izhak Schnell

Post-1967, the “peace camp,” what are considered left-wing peace and human rights organizations, also actively used maps to put forth their geopolitical visions of an Israeli territory delimited by international law, while drawing on scientific cartographic conventions. Maps produced by the “peace camp” are informed by a range of very different discourses, which include concerns about Israel’s occupation strategies, its compliance or non-compliance with international law, its demography, the need for the recognition of Palestinians’ human rights and historical presence in the region, and the feasibility of particular territorial solutions. Organizations such as Peace Now, B’Tselem, the Geneva Initiative, and Zochrot (Remembering) used various visual and textual signifiers to communicate concerns in regard to territorial annexation, to propose territorial compromises for possible peace negotiations, and to challenge Hebrew topography by retracing alternative Arab topography in the search for historical justice. Such maps tended to invoke legal as well as scientific standards to give the maps authority and persuasive power in the attempt to increase the legitimacy of the geopolitical visions put forth.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
Dirceu Greco ◽  
James Welsh

Abstract Abuses of medicine have taken place over past decades in the context of torture and the death penalty. Serious and totally unacceptable breaches of medical ethics and human rights have occurred in institutions caring for vulnerable people. And yet there is still a need to make visible the whole spectrum of violence and breaches of human rights and to challenge them. This paper discusses a wide range of abuses in which medical professionals may take part whether as witnesses, bystanders or participants. It also addresses changes that are needed to benefit citizens at risk of abuse and to strengthen the ethical practice of medicine. The frequently-used term “empowerment” as applied to populations at risk signals a step in the right direction but usually involves the top-down giving of limited power to people. What oppressed people need is to claim their human rights – to emancipate themselves.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 876-877 ◽  
Author(s):  
Waldemar Hanasz

It seems timely and appropriate that the twentieth century—the century of the Holocaust, the Gulag Archipelago, the Killing Fields, the Cultural Revolution, and the “ethnic cleansing” in the Balkans and Rwanda—ended with a wave of growing interest in healing past injustices. Human rights organizations and international commissions investigate violations of human rights. International tribunals judge political leaders, warlords, and their soldiers. Historians, political scientists, and legal theorists study the implications of such crimes and punishments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 68-85
Author(s):  
Christian Tym

Despite its media reforms designed to democratize the country’s media landscape, the Ecuadorian government has been subject to constant condemnation from major U.S.-based human rights organizations on freedom-of-expression grounds. A close examination of these critiques and the Ecuadorian media reforms to which they correspond and a comparison of the Ecuadorian government’s and critical human rights organizations’ positions with liberal scholarship on the right to freedom of expression leads to the conclusion that Ecuadorian media reform is consistent with liberal social-democratic principles and, by contrast, human rights organizations uphold an early-modern interpretation of liberalism that is marginal within scholarship on freedom of expression. A pesar de su programa de reformas para democratizar el campo de los medios de difusión, el gobierno ecuatoriano ha sido objeto de una condena permanente por parte de las principales organizaciones de los derechos humanos de los Estados Unidos por motivos de la libertad de expresión. Un examen minucioso de estas críticas y de las reformas del gobierno ecuatoriano, así como una comparación de las posiciones del gobierno ecuatoriano y las de las organizaciones de derechos humanos con los estudios liberales sobre el derecho a la libertad de expression, revelan que estas reformas son consistentes con los principios liberales y socialdemócratas y que, en cambio, las organizaciones de derechos humanos defienden una interpretación del liberalismo correspondiente al principio de la era moderna temprana que queda marginal dentro de los estudios sobre la libertad de expresión.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
Hasan Aydin

Human Rights Watch and other human rights organizations have drawn attention to abusive persecutions, the erosion of the right to a fair trial and torture during detention in Turkey. The government has ignored or sidestepped the European Convention on Human Rights’ (ECHR) decisions pertaining to pre-trial detentions and fair trials by adding new grounds to indictments and continuing pre-trial detentions.


2017 ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Jesús García Cívico

The right not to be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, and the right of asylum have, individually considered, an extensive field of application", but it is possible to point out some traits in common. Firsty, in both rights undelie the moral spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. At the same time, according to the recent reports of the main human rights organisations, both rights are in deep political crisis. Furthermore, is possible to see that sometimes they cross each other: there is a triple «zone of intersection between the right of asylum and the right not to suffer torture, inhuman or degrading treatment: one of the reasons for escaping from a country is to avoid suffering torture ("refuge after torture")  secondly, sometimes inhuman and degrading treatment occur precisely in the process of seeking asylum ("inhuman treatment in the refuge"), finally, there are countries with strong deficiencies in their immigration policies and this can produce a perverse effect: the transfer of potential asylum seekers to countries where they are at risk of torture or inhuman treatment again ("torture or inhuman and degrading treatment after asylum").


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
AKM Ahsan Ullah ◽  
Lutfunnessa Sagor

This research seeks to explore and understand the extent of human rights is violated by an elite force in Bangladesh. The constitutional right to life should not be derogated or suspended, and no person should be stripped of his or her basic human rights. (Number) of victims and human rights activists were recruited via snowball sampling and in-depth interviews were conducted. Secondary data was obtained via daily newspapers, magazines and bulletins published by various human rights organizations in Bangladesh. This is due to the elite force ignoring the existing constitutional guarantee of the right to life. The participants views were that the government has to ensure human rights are maintained. It should limit the jurisdiction of the elite force and conform to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 244-51
Author(s):  
Inga T. Winkler

With the current momentum around menstruation, it is increasingly framed as a human rights issue. We see such language in UN documents and many organizations adopt the framing of human rights. Scholars have argued that “framing the issue as being about the right to safe, healthy and dignified menstruation moves it from being a negative problem to be solved” to “an affirmative principle through which the facts of women and girls’ lives are acknowledged and validated.” This paper seeks to briefly unpack what it means to approach menstruation through the lens of human rights. First, I will discuss the predominant way in which human rights framing is presently used and how it is at risk of instrumentalization, tokenism, and reductionism. However, I will also provide a more optimistic view and discuss what the human rights framework has to offer, building on grassroots perspectives as well as normative arguments.


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