The Guilt of Nations: Restitution and Negotiating Historical Injustices. By Elazar Barkan. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. 456p. $18.95.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 876-877 ◽  
Author(s):  
Waldemar Hanasz

It seems timely and appropriate that the twentieth century—the century of the Holocaust, the Gulag Archipelago, the Killing Fields, the Cultural Revolution, and the “ethnic cleansing” in the Balkans and Rwanda—ended with a wave of growing interest in healing past injustices. Human rights organizations and international commissions investigate violations of human rights. International tribunals judge political leaders, warlords, and their soldiers. Historians, political scientists, and legal theorists study the implications of such crimes and punishments.

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 2012
Author(s):  
Sezgin Kızılçelik

Modernity is a history changing phenomena that has left an irreplaceable mark particularly in the Western world in the last five hundred years. This is the reason why modernity has been at the centre of the works of philosophers and sociologists. Modernity has denoted various meanings and been defined on different levels. Modernity, therefore, has two faces: one wears make-up while the other does not. The face of modernity in make-up is its fake side with the emphasis it puts on freedom, equality, human rights, democracy, justice, peace, brotherhood, welfare, wealth, and good spirits. The other face of modernity, however, is its real face free of its misleading veil. Despite all the polish applied on the surface of modernity, time has removed its superficial mask and revealed its defects, crises, and problems. In other words, the actual face of modernity entails war, violence, savageness, genocide, xenophobia, colonialism, racism, inequality, slavery, injustice, exploitation and poverty. When one studies modernity under spotlight, it can clearly be seen that the major faults within are barbarism, despotism, totalitarianism, terrorism, colonialism, racism, ethnic cleansing, and holocaust. This paper focuses on colonialism, racism, and holocaust, three of the serious make-up components curtaining the face of modernity. Modernity and these three concepts are closely related. Modernity is based on colonialism and it was colonialism that has triggered tendencies towards racism. It was modernity itself that had led to a world order that casts away, marginalises, and humiliates the other. Colonialism and racism, the two good-old friends of modernity, have prepared the ground for the holocaust. In this article, holocaust is analysed with reference to Zygmunt Bauman’s Holocaust (the massacre of the Jews) with the aim of studying modernity in relation to colonialism and racism.Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file. ÖzetModernlik, dünya tarihinin akışını değiştiren, bilhassa Batı dünyasının son beş yüzyılına damgasını vuran bir olgudur. İşte, bu yüzden, gerek geçmişte gerekse de günümüzde filozofların ve sosyologların ilgisini çeken konuların başında modernlik gelmektedir. Modernlik, kendisine farklı anlam yüklemeleri yapılan ve değişik boyutlarıyla tanımlanan bir olgudur. Modernliğin biri makyajlı, diğeri makyajsız olan iki yüzü vardır. Modernliğin makyajlı yüzü, özgürlüğe, eşitliğe, insan haklarına, demokrasiye, adalete, barışa, kardeşliğe, refaha, zenginliğe ve mutluluğa vurgu yapan sahte yüzüdür. Modernliğin diğer yüzü olan makyajsız yüzü ise, aslında onun gerçek yüzüdür. Modernliğin yüzüne yapılan bütün cilalara rağmen zamanla onun defoları, krizleri ve sıkıntıları daha görünür hale gelmiştir. Daha açık bir deyişle, modernliğin savaşı, şiddeti, vahşeti, soykırımı, yabancı düşmanlığını, sömürgeciliği, ırkçılığı, eşitsizliği, köleliği, adaletsizliği, sömürüyü ve yoksulluğu içeren gerçek yüzü vardır. Modernliği yüzeysel değil, derinlemesine analiz ettiğimizde karşımıza modernliğin ana pürüzleri olarak barbarlık, despotizm, totalitarizm, terörizm, sömürgecilik, ırkçılık, etnik temizlik ve soykırım gibi büyük problemler çıkmaktadır. Bu makalede, modernliğin gerçek yüzünü kaplayan ciddi arızalarından olan sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım üzerinde durulmuştur. Modernlik ile sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım arasında yakın bir ilişki vardır. Modernlik, sömürgeciliğe dayanan bir sistemdir. Sömürgeciliğin yayılmasıyla ırkçılık eğilimleri çoğalmıştır. Modernlik, farklı olanı dışlayan, ötekileştiren ve aşağılayan bir toplum düzeni inşa etmiştir. Modernliğin sadık dostu sömürgecilik ve ırkçılık, aynı zamanda, soykırımlara zemin hazırlamıştır. Makalede, soykırım, Zygmunt Bauman’ın Holocaust, yani “Yahudilerin topluca katledilmesi” örneği üzerinden irdelenmiştir. Bu makalenin ana amacı, modernliği, birbirleriyle bağlantılı olan sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım boyutları bağlamında tahlil etmektir.


2019 ◽  
pp. 183-190
Author(s):  
Samy Cohen

One of the major consequences of the polarization within Israeli society is the deep fracture between the majority of Israelis and the various peace movements. The general public no longer has faith in its pacifists and appreciates human rights organizations even less. The peace camp is perceived as dangerous, ineffective, and at risk of corroding the Zionist narrative of the right to the land of Israel, which insists that there is only one victim in the conflict. Conversely, peace activists no longer expect support from their fellow citizens or their political leaders. Most now seek backing from abroad. This is a major change, which has nevertheless largely gone unnoticed.


2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Levy ◽  
Natan Sznaider

Images of German victims have become a ubiquitous feature of political debates and mass-mediated cultural events in recent years. This paper argues that changing representations of the Holocaust have served as a political cultural prism through which histories of German victimhood can be renegotiated. More specifically, we explore how the centrality of the Holocaust in Germany informs how the postwar expulsion of twelve million ethnic Germans has been remembered during the last sixty years. Most interpretations of the destruction of European Jewry and the expulsion of ethnic Germans from Poland and Czechoslovakia and their corresponding memory cultures treat these memories as mutually exclusive manifestations of competing perceptions of national self understanding. We suggest that memories of both the Holocaust and expulsions are entwined. The Holocaust remains a specific event but also spans a universalizing human rights discourse that conceals the magnitude of the Holocaust as a particular historical occurrence; at the same time, the expulsion stops being a particular event and is being reframed as a universal evil called "ethnic cleansing." Examining recent political and public debates about how the expulsions of ethnic Germans are politicized and remembered reveals how comparisons to other incidents of state sanctioned violence and claims of singularity shape the balance of universal and particular modes of commemoration.


Author(s):  
Emily Robins Sharpe

The Jewish Canadian writer Miriam Waddington returned repeatedly to the subject of the Spanish Civil War, searching for hope amid the ruins of Spanish democracy. The conflict, a prelude to World War II, inspired an outpouring of literature and volunteerism. My paper argues for Waddington’s unique poetic perspective, in which she represents the Holocaust as the Spanish Civil War’s outgrowth while highlighting the deeply personal repercussions of the war – consequences for women, for the earth, and for community. Waddington’s poetry connects women’s rights to human rights, Canadian peace to European war, and Jewish persecution to Spanish carnage.


2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Michael Daxner

These days, the old Europe is moving towards its final curtain call. The war in the Balkans is a spectre which repeats and concludes all that happened in the last century; and a ghostly farce unrolls before us. Concepts like war and peace, the rights of nations, humanity and human rights are the conceptual covers of a happening now ripening into fateful maturity. Its primary causes were a tactical holding back, a lack of knowledge of the real circumstances, secret and openly expressed prejudices, and a shabby mentality of 'not getting involved'. As a result of this, all structures are being destroyed.


Author(s):  
Ulf Brunnbauer

This chapter analyzes historiography in several Balkan countries, paying particular attention to the communist era on the one hand, and the post-1989–91 period on the other. When communists took power in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, and Yugoslavia in 1944–5, the discipline of history in these countries—with the exception of Albania—had already been institutionalized. The communists initially set about radically changing the way history was written in order to construct a more ideologically suitable past. In 1989–91, communist dictatorships came to an end in Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Albania. Years of war and ethnic cleansing would ensue in the former Yugoslavia. These upheavals impacted on historiography in different ways: on the one hand, the end of communist dictatorship brought freedom of expression; on the other hand, the region faced economic displacement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Damaris Seleina Parsitau

AbstractIn Kenya, debates about sexual orientation have assumed center stage at several points in recent years, but particularly before and after the promulgation of the Constitution of Kenya in 2010. These debates have been fueled by religious clergy and by politicians who want to align themselves with religious organizations for respectability and legitimation, particularly by seeking to influence the nation's legal norms around sexuality. I argue that through their responses and attempts to influence legal norms, the religious and political leaders are not only responsible for the nonacceptance of same-sex relationships in Africa, but have also ensured that sexuality and embodiment have become a cultural and religious battleground. These same clergy and politicians seek to frame homosexuality as un-African, unacceptable, a threat to African moral and cultural sensibilities and sensitivities, and an affront to African moral and family values. Consequently, the perception is that homosexuals do not belong in Africa—that they cannot be entertained, accommodated, tolerated, or even understood. Ultimately, I argue that the politicization and religionization of same-sex relationships in Kenya, as elsewhere in Africa, has masked human rights debates and stifled serious academic and pragmatic engagements with important issues around sexual difference and sexual orientation while fueling negative attitudes toward people with different sexual orientations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita Kaur Dhamoon

AbstractIn settler societies like Canada, United States, and Australia, the bourgeoning discourse that frames colonial violence against Indigenous people as genocide has been controversial, specifically because there is much debate about the meaning and applicability of genocide. Through an analysis of the Canadian Museum for Human Rights, this paper analyzes what is revealed about settler colonialism in the nexus of difficult knowledge, curatorial decisions, and political debates about the label of genocide. I specifically examine competing definitions of genocide, the primacy of the Holocaust, the regulatory role of the settler state, and the limits of a human rights framework. My argument is that genocide debates related to Indigenous experiences operationalize a range of governing techniques that extend settler colonialism, even as Indigenous peoples confront existing hegemonies. These techniques include: interpretative denial; promoting an Oppression Olympics and a politics of distancing; regulating difference through state-based recognition and interference; and depoliticizing claims that overshadow continuing practices of assimilation, extermination, criminalization, containment, and forced movement of Indigenous peoples. By pinpointing these techniques, this paper seeks to build on Indigenous critiques of colonialism, challenge settler national narratives of peaceful and lawful origins, and foster ways to build more just relations between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 614-630

The fifth regular session of the General Assembly, meeting at Lake Success on September 19, 1950, had before it an agenda of 70 items. The Assembly was expected to discuss, in particular, questions concerning Palestine, the former Italian colonies, the Balkans, threats to the political integrity of China, the problem of the independence of Korea, observance of human rights, international control of atomic energy, technical assistance for under-developed areas, freedom of information, refugees and stateless persons, matters concerning trusteeship and non-self-governing territories, administrative and budgetary matters, reports of the specialized agencies, and reports of the Secretary-General on activities of the organization during the year.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document