Comparing Intelligence Accountability

Author(s):  
Christian Leuprecht

This chapter reviews the literature of intelligence accountability, reviews different theories, and introduces readers to key terms such as oversight, review, control, and governance. This book complements the process of intelligence oversight—the practice of holding ISAs to account, whereby ISAs have to justify their activities—with other types and levels of accountability. Typologically, accountability bodies differ by ways and methods they use to hold ISAs accountable: they can review, oversee, or control Intelligence and Security Agencies (ISA), and/or accept and address complaints concerning actions or activities of an ISA. Although conventionally they assessed compliance within an intelligence community, as of late they have been performing additional functions, such as promoting innovation. The different types of accountability are complemented by various layers in which Intelligence and Security Agencies are held accountable: internal, managerial, and external. The chapter introduces readers to the institutional architecture of intelligence accountability: legislative committees, judicial and quasi-judicial bodies, bureaucratic and administrative bodies, and executive oversight. It goes on to review intelligence accountability frameworks: laws, legislatures, the executive, the judiciary, the media, the public, civil society, and the democratic interest. The chapter closes on developments in international and supranational accountability cooperation.

2001 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
George Gavrilis

On 17 August 2000, the somber first anniversary of the Marmara earthquake, the mainstream Turkish media found a sole reason for celebration. Alongside lengthy reports of vigils in remembrance of the dead and protests of the state's anemic relief efforts, the media celebrated its partnership with civil society and all but declared an end to a state that was at once heavy-handed and ineffectual. Amplifying this theme, an article that compiled a list of the earthquake's “winners” and “losers” placed the media and civil society in the former category and a host of state agencies charged with disaster response in the latter one. Hürriyet, a high-circulation mainstream newspaper, described this praise as well deserved, stating that journalists had effectively “exposed all the naked truths” of the state's inability to provide for its population.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antoine Bridier-Nahmias ◽  
Estera Badau ◽  
Pi Nyvall-collen ◽  
Antoine Andremont ◽  
Jocelyne Arquembourg

AbstractThe emergence of antimicrobial resistant infections from food is well documented in the scientific literature but, in this kind of matter, the public opinion is an important policy driver and is vastly forged by traditional media. Here, we propose a text mining study through about 500 articles from two reference daily U.S. newspapers to assess the media coverage of this issue. Our results indicate that, since the middle of the 80s, the two journals considered here adopted a very different narrative around the issue, echoing civil society concerns in one case and the official discourse in the other.


Author(s):  
Christian Morgner

This article focuses on the growing importance of large-scale events and their central role in a globalised media world in relation to public reactions and public involvement. The peculiar structure of such events requires a different understanding of mass communication and its audience. Therefore, the audience is further examined with regard to its impact on and inclusion in the media itself. Consequently, questions are raised as to how the public is incorporated, the form this inclusion takes and the effect that this has on the audience&rsquo;s participation.<br />The article examines different types of semantic inclusion, with a focus on emotional reactions towards three different media events: the Titanic disaster, the assassination of John F. Kennedy, and the death of Princess Diana.<br />


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (190) ◽  
pp. 115-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus Müller

The recent populist wave that swept Eastern Europe put an end to the illusionary victory of liberal democracy across the region. This applies especially to Poland, the country with the most impressive civil society movement, Solidarnosz, and the frontrunner of radical market reforms. Despite the best economic performance of all post-communist countries, the populist party Law and Justice (PiS) came to power for a second time in 2015, only to impose its reactionary national-catholic model on the media, the law system, and the public sector. The success of PiS cannot be explained by the immanent strength of its populist rhetoric but points to the wilful neglect of its liberal predecessors of regional heterogeneity, precarious working conditions, and sharpened inequalities. While the electorate supports the valid points of PiS’s socio-economic programme, it is not inclined to follow its internally divisive and externally confrontational anti-EU ideology.


Author(s):  
Michael Morell

This essay assesses the motivation of leakers, the damage from leaks, and the responsibilities of journalists and the Intelligence Community. The essay argues that leaks generally have nothing to do with government wrongdoing, leakers are rarely motivated by a belief that the public needs to know about government wrongdoing, though leakers often claim to be, and the damage to the security and economy of the country from leaks is tremendous. News organizations should take seriously the potential damage from publication of classified information and should weigh the public good against that potential damage to national security. The Intelligence Community should build relationships with the media based on honesty and trust, so they will be seen as acting in good faith when they ask the media not to publish classified information for security reasons. All leakers should be prosecuted, so there can be an assessment of whether those who claim they acted for the public good actually did so.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-158
Author(s):  
Winston Mano ◽  
Viola C. Milton

Democracy requires open public service broadcasting (PSB) institutions that constantly interact with active informed citizens. This article posits that a more proactive network of civil society across Southern Africa can produce an impact on PSB institutions in these countries enhancing reform and accountability to the public. We enter this topic by identifying pathways towards increased cooperation among public service broadcasters, civil society coalitions and other stakeholders in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The main focus is on the interaction between broadcasters, policy-makers and civil society groups, namely SOS: Support Public Broadcasting in South Africa and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe, two leading media activist organizations in Southern Africa. The engagement by such networks can deepen public interest and reconnect PSB institutions and PSB staff to the PSB mandate and mission. Civil society coalitions working collaboratively with PSB will engender a context within which a collaboratively defined PSB mission, institutional structure and programme outcomes are constantly foregrounded in the operations and performance of the broadcasters.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232098234
Author(s):  
Kilkon Ko ◽  
Hyun Hee Park ◽  
Dong Chul Shim ◽  
Kyungdong Kim

This article empirically explores the understanding and changes in the concept of administrative capacity in the Korean context. Despite a universal consensus on its importance, administrative capacity is defined differently by regimes and stakeholders (i.e. in this study: the public, members of the National Assembly, and academia). To improve our understanding of administrative capacity, we collected three types of texts (337 academic papers, 1470 National Assembly minutes, and 3316 newspaper articles from 2000 to 2019) and analyzed the data using topic modeling and text-network analysis methods. The results suggest that although academic articles emphasized leadership, manpower, education, and other policymaking capacities, the National Assembly stressed innovation capacity in solving different policy problems. Finally, the media, assumed to reflect public opinion, emphasized capacities related to national security. Points for practitioners This study suggests that different types of administrative capacities could be needed according to the developmental stage of states. While managerial and administrative capacity should be developed in countries pursuing state-led economic development, governance capacity could be more requested in countries facing demands for democratization and meeting citizens’ various needs and participation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 81-86
Author(s):  
Kenwilliams Nyakomitah ◽  
Panuel Mwaeke ◽  
Lydia Mareri

With the turn of the century, Kenya’s capital, Nairobi, has had its share of terrorist activity. Due to their nature, global media houses have centred on these occurrences as they have formed the focal point during their immediacy. This has led to the rise of media; in all its variety, as a reliable ate truthful source of information: on the other hand, terrorists have used the media as a veritable and strong propaganda tool. This is in line with the main aim and intent of terrorism; the spread of fear and it also feeds to the belief by various terrorist groups that media is one of their biggest investments. This study sought to examine media’s role in televised media coverage and it’s influence on terrorist attacks in Nairobi County, Kenya. The sample size for the study was derived from 110 officers from the Anti-Terror Police Unit, a section of the Directorate if Criminal Investigations and informants numbering to 14 from television editors, freelance reporters, and across civil society. The data was collected through questionnaires and interview guides for the officers from ATPU and respondents from the media and civil society respectively. It was further analysed using SPSS and presented through the use of frequency distribution tables and bar graphs; other modes include inferential statistics of linear regression and Chi square. The study revealed that there was a significant effect on the security situation in Nairobi due to televised media coverage of terrorist attacks. The study revealed a significant relationship between media coverage of terrorist incidents and increased insecurity in Nairobi. (χ2 = 9.499a, p = 0.023). The recommendations include the development of proportionality in the reporting on terrorist attacks. This is because an overemphasis on terrorist threats has an inadvertent advancement of terrorism and terrorist activities. There is therefore a need for care by journalists lest they be used as vehicles of propaganda by terrorists. This is due to the power that is inherent in misinformation in denying the general public independent reporting and the resultant understanding that comes with it. It is recommended that there be a limit as to the amount and type of information released to the media and eventually to the public in the event of a terrorist attack; this helps in averting the spread of terrorist propaganda and the misinformation of the public.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 194-200
Author(s):  
Khilola Otakhonova

In this article, the cognitive principles of prioritizing the media, the media - the institutions that collect all the information about what is happening, process it, and provide it to the public as news, sometimes referred to as media communications, and similar information is discussed. In particular, ensuring freedom of information and speech, liberalization of this area has been identified as an important priority in building a democratic, legal state and a strong civil society in Uzbekistan. In 1991, there were 395 media outlets in Uzbekistan, but today their number has reached 1,437.


Author(s):  
Marina Dekavalla

Chapter 4 focuses on the key actors who ran communication campaigns during the referendum, aiming to attract media attention for their views. It focuses particularly on the main Yes and No campaigns and the political parties that comprised them, as well as civil society organisations that did not support either outcome but still communicated to the media about issues they felt were significant in the debate. The chapter discusses the frames these participant actors promoted in the public debate. It is based on interviews with communication directors on both sides of the argument and representatives from impartial civil society organisations. It explores how different actors understood and defined what the referendum was about and how these understandings may be organized conceptually into different frames. It looks at similarities, differences and interactions between the frames that different actors proposed and explores whether different sides of the argument had ‘ownership’ over certain frames.


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