Conservation and Conservatism

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Orr
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Modern Conservatism ◽  
The Devil

The philosophy of free-market conservatism has swept the political field virtually everywhere, and virtually everywhere conservatives have been, in varying degrees, hostile to the cause of conservation. This is a problem of great consequence for the long-term human prospect because of the sheer political power of conservative governments. Conservatism and conservation share more than a common linguistic heritage. Consistently applied they are, in fact, natural allies. To make such a case, however, it is necessary first to say what conservatism is. Conservative philosopher Russell Kirk (1982, xv–xvii) proposes six “first principles” of conservatism. Accordingly, true conservatives:… • believe in a transcendent moral order • prefer social continuity (i.e., the “devil they know to the devil they don’t know”) • believe in “the wisdom of our ancestors” • are guided by prudence • “feel affection for the proliferating intricacy of long-established social institutions” • believe that “human nature suffers irremediably from certain faults.”… For Kirk the essence of conservatism is the “love of order” (1982, xxxvi). Eighteenth-century British philosopher and statesman Edmund Burke, the founding father of modern conservatism and as much admired as he is unread, defined the goal of order more specifically as one which harmonized the distant past with the distant future. To this end Burke thought in terms of a contract, but not one about “things subservient only to the gross animal existence of a temporary and perishable nature.” Burke’s societal contract was not, in other words, about tax breaks for those who don’t need them, but about a partnership promoting science, art, virtue, and perfection, none of which could be achieved by a single generation without veneration for the past and a healthy regard for those to follow. Burke’s contract, therefore, was between “those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born . . . linking the lower with the higher natures, connecting the visible and invisible world” ([1790] 1986, 194–195). The role of government, those “possessing any portion of power,” in Burke’s words, “ought to be strongly and awefully impressed with an idea that they act in trust” (ibid., 190).

scholarly journals Providing for retirement: some key issues

2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Hawke
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
The Political ◽  
Retirement Income ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
Public Provision ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Considerable Debate ◽  
Key Issues

This topic has become one of the most problematic areas of policy debate around the world. The onset of a marked demographic transition, combined with debate about the role of government and the efficiency of public provision, has provided both a trigger and a platform for debate. In New Zealand, retirement income policy has been a volatile and unresolved issue since the 1970s. During the 1980s and 1990s there was considerable debate about the long-term policy settings. Following the passage of the New Zealand Superannuation Act (2001) the issue appeared to drop off the political radar. However, it has been revived more recently as a result of political and other contributions – such as New Zealand First’s proposal for a “golden age card” and the New Zealand Institute’s discussion papers on an “Ownership Society”. This flow of ideas, combined with the shifting demographic profile, should ensure that retirement income will remain a live issue in the minds of the electorate.

Muscovy and the Tatars

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-431
Author(s):  
Bulat R. Rakhimzianov
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
East European ◽  
Central Eurasia ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
Forest Line ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

Social Cohesion, Breaks, and Transformations in Italy, 535–600

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Pohl
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
Religious Context ◽  
Ancient Society ◽  
Complex Process ◽  
Term Change ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Classical Culture

When the Gothic War began in Italy in 535, the country still conserved many features of classical culture and late antique administration. Much of that was lost in the political upheavals of the following decades. Building on Chris Wickham’s work, this contribution sketches an integrated perspective of these changes, attempting to relate the contingency of events to the logic of long-term change, discussing political options in relation to military and economic means, and asking in what ways the erosion of consensus may be understood in a cultural and religious context. What was the role of military entrepreneurs of more or less barbarian or Roman extraction in the distribution or destruction of resources? How did Christianity contribute to the transformation of ancient society? The old model of barbarian invasions can contribute little to understanding this complex process. It is remarkable that for two generations, all political strategies in Italy ultimately failed.

scholarly journals Broken Worlds: Towards an Archaeology of the Shatter Zone

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Raffield
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Physical Geography ◽  
Trigger Factors ◽  
Eastern Woodlands ◽  
Term Change ◽  
Anthropological Research ◽  
Historic Change

AbstractIn recent years, archaeological studies of long-term change and transformation in the human past have often been dominated by the discussion of dichotomous processes of ‘collapse’ and ‘resilience’. These discussions are frequently framed in relatively narrow terms dictated by specialist interests that place an emphasis on the role of single ‘trigger’ factors as motors for historic change. In order to address this issue, in this article I propose that the study of the ‘shatter zone’—a term with origins in physical geography and geopolitics that has been more recently harnessed in anthropological research—has the potential to facilitate multi-scalar, interdisciplinary analyses of the ways in which major historical changes unfold across both space and time, at local, regional, and inter-regional levels. This article unpacks the concept of the shatter zone and aligns this with existing archaeological frameworks for the study of long-term adaptive change. I then situate these arguments within the context of recent studies of colonial interaction and conflict in the Eastern Woodlands of North America during the sixteenth to eighteenth century. The study demonstrates how a more regulated approach to the shatter zone has the potential to yield new insights on the ways in which populations mitigate and react to instability and change while also facilitating comparative studies of these processes on a broader, global scale.

scholarly journals Evaluating the Role of Government Collaboration in the Perceived Performance of Community-Based Nonprofits: Three Propositions

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Nederhand
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Network Ties ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Perceived Performance ◽  
Political Network ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Nonprofit Collaboration ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract The topic of government-nonprofit collaboration continues to be much-discussed in the literature. However, there has been little consensus on whether and how collaborating with government is beneficial for the performance of community-based nonprofits. This article examines three dominant theoretical interpretations of the relationship between collaboration and performance: collaboration is necessary for the performance of nonprofits; the absence of collaboration is necessary for the performance of nonprofits; and the effect of collaboration is contingent on the nonprofits’ bridging and bonding network ties. Building on the ideas of governance, nonprofit, and social capital in their respective literature, this article uses set-theoretic methods (fsQCA) to conceptualize and test their relationship. Results show the pivotal role of the nonprofit’s network ties in mitigating the effects of either collaborating or abstaining from collaborating with government. Particularly, the political network ties of nonprofits are crucial to explaining the relationship between collaboration and performance. The evidence demonstrates the value of studying collaboration processes in context.

scholarly journals Seat of Empire; The Political Role of Eighteenth-Century Williamsburg

1951 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 703
Author(s):  
Leonard W. Labaree ◽  
Carl Bridenbaugh
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role

scholarly journals Tea Party bevægelsen:

2018 ◽  
pp. 175-192
Author(s):  
Paul Gammelbo Nielsen
Keyword(s):  
Free Market ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Tea Party ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Common People ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Entry Points ◽  
Intellectual Context ◽  
Sarah Palin

The article uses the 2010 political success of the Tea Party phenomenon as a jumping-off point to examine a number of ideological tropes and rhetorical devices in American politics. It argues that the political language of the Tea Party is not – as is often assumed – empty moralizing at the expense of intellectual depth, but rather draws on a wide variety of American political and intellectual themes and traditions. The article uses the campaign literature and polemic of key Tea Party affiliates – Sarah Palin, Christine O’Donnell, Glenn Beck, Ron Paul – as entry points to discuss the movement’s political strategies and interpretation of the role of government, individual liberty, American exceptionalism, constitutionalism, the free market, and the common people. In placing these discussions in their historical and intellectual context, the article argues for taking the Tea Party’s political message seriously, not least as a reflection of prevalent democratic concerns and frustrations with the American political system in its current incarnation.

Meritocracy and its Enemies: Is There an Alternative to the “Tyranny of the Merit”?

2021 ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Dmitriy Davydov
Keyword(s):  
Technological Development ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Practical Application ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Technical Competencies ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Ideal

The article examines  the idea of meritocracy, now increasingly criticized. It is shown that the relevance of the discourse on meritocracy is due to the objectively increased role of education and various creative and technical talents in the context of rapid technological development. At the same time, critics rightly point out that meritocracy today has become largely a myth that plutocrats turn to justify their privileges, status and wealth. The very idea of a meritocracy that focuses exclusively on the technical competencies and abilities demanded by the neoliberal economy is also criticized. Many authors talk about the need to fairly reward and respect low-skilled workers, who often (especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic) bring more public benefit than highly educated financiers or bankers. Nevertheless, the article shows that this criticism is a hidden apology for meritocracy. In this case, critics justify deeper inequalities associated with long-term prospects and self-realization. It leads to cementing the “secondary” status of workers of the “hand” and “heart”, whose fate in the context of automation and the development of artificial intelligence technologies may turn out to be unenviable. In the author's opinion, the only alternative to this state of affairs is the rejection of meritocracy as a normative concept. It should be recognized as an inevitable evil associated with the imperfection of social institutions and, in part, human nature. Accordingly, the author contrasts the meritocratic pursuit of status and power with the ideal of universal striving for the maximum possible and, what is remarkable, all-round development and practical application of the talents of all without exception.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
Vito Tanzi
Keyword(s):  
Market Economy ◽  
Free Market ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Political Market ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government ◽  
Role Of The Government ◽  
Normative Role

This more theoretical chapter focuses on the normative role of the government, in democratic countries with a market economy, and how that role has been tied to the prevalent view of the assumed relationship between individual citizens and their government. That view has been different in different countries. The chapter stresses the difference between choices made in and by the free market and those made through the political market. In the former, income distribution and individual liberty are important. In the political market, with one person one vote, the income of the voters should be less important. However, it often is important. Some societies place a lot of importance on individual liberty. Others give more weight to community goals. These attitudes influence government policies.

The Political Economy of Crisis Responses

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-58
Author(s):  
Agnar Freyr Helgason
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Welfare ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Policy Responses ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Key Policy ◽  
Crisis Responses

Chapter 3, by Agnar Freyr Helgason, offers a review of political economy theories of crises responses. He starts by explaining the broad perspectives of the Keynesian and Austrian schools and then probes more deeply into recent work on government policy responses to economic crises, with a focus on the economic welfare of populations or households. The role of the welfare state and its importance during periods of crisis is considered, as well as the role of government policy more broadly, either that directed at the economy generally or at specific population groups. Key policy debates are covered, for example austerity versus stimulus, as well as mixed approaches.

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