War on Peace

2019 ◽  
pp. 162-188
Author(s):  
Petra Goedde
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Global South ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Third ◽  
Movement Strategies ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World

The emergence of decolonization and national liberation movements in the Global South in the 1950s and 1960s exposed the limits of pacifism and nonviolent movement strategies. In a strange twist that escaped most cold warriors, it was the Third World liberationists’ language of freedom and liberation that made some peace advocates question their adherence to nonviolence. Sympathetic to the demands for independence in Asia and Africa, they condemned the violence with which colonial regimes and ruling elites backed by former colonial powers maintained control over indigenous populations. The level of violence from above called into question the precept of nonviolence as the best and only acceptable strategy. Nonviolence and pacifism became increasingly marginalized in the antiwar discourse as the 1960s drew to a close, contributing to the radicalization and ultimate fragmentation of the protest movements.

Counterinsurgency in the Third World: theory and practice

1975 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Mack
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Third World ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
World War ◽  
The Third ◽  
World Theory ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World

The purpose of this essay is to provide a brief overview of the theory and practice of counterinsurgency in the Third World since World War II. Given the obvious limitations of space, descriptions of particular COIN (counterinsurgency) campaigns have been avoided except to illustrate an argument. Furthermore, this essay concentrates primarily on U.S. counterinsurgency doctrines and methods. This is not to underestimate the contributions – both theoretical and practical – made by the former colonial powers in attempting to crush the impulse to national liberation in the Third World. But the European powers – with the recent exception of Portugal – had, by the beginning of the 1960s, neither the capability nor (following a number of humiliating setbacks) much enthusiasm for further military adventures in the Third World. There have, of course, been exceptions – the French in Mali, Britain in Borneo and the Anguilla affair – but these pale into insignificance when compared with the American counterinsurgency effort in the Third World, which began to gather impetus just as the major European colonial powers were abdicating their former role as Third World policemen.1

The Battle for the Recognition of Wars of National Liberation

2019 ◽  
pp. 52-70
Author(s):  
Jochen von Bernstorff
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Institutional Legitimacy ◽  
The Third ◽  
Independent States ◽  
Sea Use ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Newly Independent States

The chapter revisits the third world struggle for a full legal recognition of ‘wars of national liberation’ in the 1960s and 70s. Supported by famous United Nations (UN) resolutions, the growing number of ‘newly independent states’ had managed to confer increasing institutional legitimacy to the still-ongoing struggles for independence by incriminating colonialism and racism, as well as by actively promoting support for third-world self-determination. Armed revolts of independence movements against colonial or racist rule between 1945 and 1975, for example in Indonesia, Vietnam, Algeria, Kenya, Namibia, Angola, Guinea, and Western Sahara, figured as ‘wars of national liberation’ in various UN resolutions. Led from beginning to the victorious end by Georges Abi-Saab, the G77 battle for the full recognition of wars of national liberation framed these wars as ‘defensive’ military actions against continuing foreign ‘aggression’ through colonialism. During the 1960s and early 1970s, this move was strongly opposed by most Western authors, who argued that these conflicts were internal struggles and thus merely ‘civil wars’ or legitimate reactions to ‘terrorist’ activities. The chapter argues that even though the third world could ultimately secure a victory in this legal struggle, it could not prevent that Cold War interventionism of the superpowers and the former metropoles, as well as proxy-wars, nationalism and militarization further destabilized the societies in the ‘newly independent states’. decolonization, international legal transformations, Bandung, hegemony, boundary drawing, Sattelzeit, law of the sea, use of force, humanitarian law, human rights law

Native Americans and the Third World Strike at UC Berkeley

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
LaNada War Jack
Keyword(s):  
Native American ◽  
Native Americans ◽  
Personal Experience ◽  
Third World ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The University

The author reflects on her personal experience as a Native American at UC Berkeley in the 1960s as well as on her activism and important leadership roles in the 1969 Third World Liberation Front student strike, which had as its goal the creation of an interdisciplinary Third World College at the university.

AI and the Global South

2020 ◽  
pp. 587-606
Author(s):  
Chinmayi Arun
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Third World ◽  
Global South ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
Human Rights Law ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
The Third ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Postcolonial History

This chapter details how AI affects, and will continue to affect, the Global South. The term “South” has a history connected with the “Third World” and has referred to countries that share postcolonial history and certain development goals. However, scholars have expanded and refined on it to include different kinds of marginal, disenfranchised populations such that the South is now a plural concept—there are Souths. The AI-related risks for Southern populations include concerns of discrimination, bias, oppression, exclusion, and bad design. These can be exacerbated in the context of vulnerable populations, especially those without access to human rights law or institutional remedies. The chapter then outlines these risks as well as the international human rights law that is applicable. It argues that a human rights–centric, inclusive, empowering context-driven approach is necessary.

Soviet Perspectives and Policies toward Reactionary Regimes in the Developing World

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-263
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Surovell
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
The State ◽  
State Sector ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
The Third ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Third World

In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.

Paulo Freire and the crisis of modernity

1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-198
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Paulo Freire ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Neoliberal Capitalism ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Crisis Of Modernity ◽  
The Third World

Brazilian educator Paulo Freire played an influential role in the development of grass-roots religious movements throughout the Third World from the 1960s to 1980s. Partaking of the Enlightenment affirmation of critical thinking as the key emancipatory tool, Freire's pedagogical method has empowered hitherto marginalized subjects. Toward the end of the 1980s, however, postmodernist critiques of Enlightenment rationality as domination have raised some troublesome doubts about the viability of modernist emancipatory projects, including Freire's method. In this article, I reformulate Freire's method to respond to the challenges of postmodernist critiques. I argue that despite some serious shortcomings, the emancipatory impulse behind Freire's pedagogy is worth preserving. Further, I see a revised Freirean approach as a salutary counterpoint to postmodernism's excessive localism and elective affinity with neoliberal capitalism.

Middlemen in Third-World Corruption: Implications of an Indian Case

1987 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Oldenburg
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
The Third ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Made In

Corruption—like the weather—is a phenomenon people in the third world talk about a great deal, and, it would seem, do little about. Scholars of political change in the third world share this interest, but—although they are usually not expected to deal with corruption itself —they should move beyond the recounting of vivid anecdotes to a more systematic analysis of the problem. Steps in this direction were made in the 1960s and 1970s, but surprisingly little more work has been done since.

scholarly journals Andreas Papandreou’s Exile Politics: The First Phase (1968-1970)

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stan Draenos
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Us ◽  
Initial Evolution ◽  
The One ◽  
The Third World

Andreas Papandreou’s exile politics, following his December 1967 release from Averoff Prison, have stereotypically been seen as simply adopting the neo-Marxist ideologies associated with the Third World national liberation movements of the era. In narrating the initial evolution of his views on the “Greek Question” in exile, this study attempts to surface the underlying dynamics responsible for radicalizing his politics in that direction. Those dynamics reflect, on the one hand, the relentless will-to-action informing Papandreou’s political persona and, on the other, the political upheavals, headlined by the protest movement against the US war in Vietnam, in which his politics were enmeshed.

Information In and On Africa

2000 ◽  
pp. 301-322
Author(s):  
Roger Pfister
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
National Development ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Modern Technology ◽  
The Third ◽  
Lack Of Information ◽  
Pessimistic Attitude ◽  
Right To Information ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World

Talking about Africa’s right to information means talking about communication in Africa and in the Third World generally. In Africa the channels of communication were underdeveloped or inappropriate as a consequence of the continent’s colonial past. The resulting lack of information was, among other reasons, an impediment to national development in African states after their independence. Until the 1980s, the principal means of communication were newspapers, books, telephones, radio and TV. However, with the development of modern technology, the proliferation of satellites, the advance in the computer industry and, most recently, with the advent of Internet new forms of communication were added. This contribution outlines the initiatives and discussions from the 1960s to the 1980s on the relationship between economic development and access to information in the Third World generally and in Africa in particular. The second part deals with the new communication technologies, the areas of application in Africa and their possible impact on Africa’s development. The author takes a rather pessimistic attitude as far as the advancement of sustainable development in Africa through information technology is concerned, unless such technology is applied to local circumstances.

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