European Conservatives and Reformists

2020 ◽  
pp. 55-92
Author(s):  
Duncan McDonnell ◽  
Annika Werner
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Group Formation ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Expert Survey ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Party Positions ◽  
The Uk

This chapter focuses on the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group, which in 2014 accepted the radical right populists of the Danish People’s Party and the Finns Party, alongside more moderate centre-right parties such as the UK Conservatives. To analyse the reasons behind the group’s composition, it uses Chapel Hill Expert Survey data on party positions in addition to interviews with leading figures from the main ECR parties. The chapter proposes the “respectable radicals” theory of group formation. In other words, radical parties like the Danish People’s Party and the Finns Party play a two-level game in which they value perceived domestic “office” and “votes” benefits of European alliances more than “policy congruence”. In particular, being seen to sit with the UK Conservatives was considered advantageous by the Danish and Finnish parties while, for the UK Conservatives, these parties’ lack of extreme right historical baggage made them acceptable allies.

Radical Right Populists and Group Formation in the European Parliament

2020 ◽  
pp. 19-54
Author(s):  
Duncan McDonnell ◽  
Annika Werner
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Group Formation ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Expert Survey ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Behaviour Data

This chapter first discusses in depth the book’s core concept of “radical right populist”, before examining the history of co-operation (and mostly non-cooperation) between radical right populists in the European Parliament. It sets out the main theories, in particular policy congruence, which have been used to explain why parties form groups in the European Parliament. It then looks at how these theories might apply to radical right populist parties. Finally, the chapter presents the data and methods used in the study. These include Chapel Hill Expert Survey data, EP group finance and voting behaviour data, as well as interviews conducted with representatives and officials from a wide range of radical right populist parties and their allies.

Reputation versus office: Why populist radical right governmental participation has differed between Sweden and Denmark

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110205
Author(s):  
Duncan McDonnell ◽  
Annika Werner ◽  
Malin Karlsson
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Social Acceptability ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
The Social ◽  
Expert Surveys

Sweden and Denmark have presented contrasting relationships between centre-right and populist radical right (PRR) parties. In Sweden, the centre-right has refused cooperation with the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) (SD), even when this cost the centre-right office. However, in Denmark, coalitions led by centre-right parties have cooperated with the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) (DF) on multiple occasions. Through a controlled comparison, we examine what explains these different outcomes. Using Chapel Hill Expert Surveys and public opinion data, we firstly look at the policy congruence between parties and the social acceptability of cooperation. We then examine interview material with representatives from centre-right and PRR parties in Sweden and Denmark to see their explanations of cooperation and non-cooperation. We conclude that, while the office goals of Danish centre-right parties, along with the policy focus and uncontroversial past of DF, explain that case, the reputation and past of SD has precluded a similar outcome.

Europe of Nations and Freedom

2020 ◽  
pp. 127-160
Author(s):  
Duncan McDonnell ◽  
Annika Werner
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Front National ◽  
Expert Survey ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Northern League ◽  
Marine Le Pen ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
European Group

This chapter explains the formation of the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) group containing Front National, Northern League, Austrian Freedom party, Flemish Vlaams Belang and the Dutch Party for Freedom. Based on expert survey data and interviews, it shows how, while these parties have long held compatible positions on key issues, cooperation between them all has only become possible over the last decade, in part through the role of new party leaders such as Marine Le Pen. The chapter argues that the ENF’s creation reflects a shared desire to create a lasting European group composed of radical right populist parties unashamed of their commonalities. Finally, it discusses how the ENF parties have presented themselves not only as defenders of their own nations, but of a wider “European” people against the supposedly increasing threats posed by EU elites and dangerous “others” (in particular Muslims).

Contagious Euroscepticism

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurits J Meijers
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Panel Regression ◽  
Position Change ◽  
Expert Survey ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Party Position ◽  
Mainstream Party

This article examines whether the support for Eurosceptic challenger parties influences mainstream party position change on European integration in Western Europe. The key finding is that Eurosceptic challenger support is capable of influencing mainstream position shifts on European integration provided that, on average, EU issues are regarded as important by the Eurosceptic challengers. Moreover, the centre-left is more affected by Eurosceptic contagion since it is influenced by both radical right and radical left Eurosceptic success, whereas the centre-right is only susceptible to radical right success. The empirical analyses are based on panel regression analysis employing expert survey data provided by Chapel Hill Expert Survey. The findings presented in this article have important implications for the study of party positioning on European integration as well as for the study of party competition in general.

Varieties of populist parties

2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 981-1012
Author(s):  
Pippa Norris
Keyword(s):  
Party Competition ◽  
Alternative Methods ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Lega Nord ◽  
Party Positions ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Issue Space

Can parties such as the Swedish Democrats, the Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary, the UK Independence Party and the Italian Lega Nord all be classified consistently as part of the same family? Part I of this study summarizes the conceptual framework arguing that the traditional post-war Left-Right cleavage in the electorate and party competition has faded, overlaid by divisions over authoritarian-libertarianism and populism-pluralism. Building on this, part II discusses the pros and cons of alternative methods for gathering evidence useful to classify party positions. Part III describes how these are measured in this study, using Chapel Hill Expert Survey data in 2014 and 2017, and how they are mapped on a multidimensional issue space. Part IV compares European political parties on these scales – including Authoritarian-Populist parties – across a wide range of European countries. The conclusion in part V draws together the main findings and considers their implications.

Populist Rhetoric and Nativist Alarmism

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Barbara Donovan
Keyword(s):  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
German Politics ◽  
Close Affinity ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Party Positions ◽  
European Parties ◽  
Radical Right Parties

Using the 2017 Chapel Hill Expert Survey of party positions, this study compares the AfD with other European parties outside the political mainstream across several ideological/attitudinal dimensions. The paper explores the changing character of European party systems and multiple axes of party competition. It regards populism and nativism as distinct political phenomena, but as ones that are symbiotic and coupled together provide a particular powerful narrative. The paper finds that the AfD shares a close affinity with radical right parties in Europe but also emerges as one of Europe’s most populist and nativist parties. This explains the AfD’s affiliation with the Identity and Freedom Group in the European Parliament; it also supports the argument it is the blend of populist anti-elitism and nativist alarmism that has made the AfD the potent force in German politics that it is today.

scholarly journals Explaining the salience of anti-elitism and reducing political corruption for political parties in Europe with the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey data

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316801668691 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Polk ◽  
Jan Rovny ◽  
Ryan Bakker ◽  
Erica Edwards ◽  
Liesbet Hooghe ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
Expert Survey ◽  
Regional Context ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Party Ideology

This article addresses the variation of anti-corruption and anti-elite salience in party positioning across Europe. It demonstrates that while anti-corruption salience is primarily related to the (regional) context in which a party operates, anti-elite salience is primarily a function of party ideology. Extreme left and extreme conservative (TAN) parties are significantly more likely to emphasize anti-elite views. Through its use of the new 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey wave, this article also introduces the dataset.

Depleting democracy? The radical right’s impact on minority politics in Eastern Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212097288
Author(s):  
Michael Minkenberg ◽  
Anca Florian ◽  
Zsuzsanna Végh ◽  
Malisa Zobel
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Expert Survey ◽  
Minority Politics ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Strategic Reactions ◽  
Political Spectrum

Radical right parties’ calls for a strong and illiberal nation-state have travelled across the political spectrum into the mainstream in Eastern Europe since the 2000s, contributing to a rightward shift in the region’s politics. The mechanisms behind such influences in Eastern Europe are not yet fully understood. Focusing on the strength of radical right parties and mainstream parties’ strategic reactions to them, this study explores how and under what circumstances radical right parties exert influence on mainstream parties’ general political positions and on their positions concerning ethnic and national minorities – a group frequently targeted by radical right intolerance in the region. Shifts in parties’ positions are analyzed using comparative data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the authors’ own Viadrina Expert Survey. The study finds that where mainstream parties formally or informally cooperated with radical right parties or coopted their agenda, lasting rightward position shifts are observable. Consequently, the authors argue that by contributing to rightward shifts, especially on positions concerning minorities, radical right parties play a role in undermining liberal democratic values, thus contributing to the ‘depletion of democracy’.

scholarly journals Mainstream Sell-Outs? How Collaboration with the Radical Right Changes Perceptions of Party Positions on Immigration

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Ida B. Hjermitslev
Keyword(s):  
Radical Right ◽  
Long Term Effects ◽  
Bargaining Process ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Specific Policy ◽  
Party Positions ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Radical Right Parties

Abstract European mainstream right parties are increasingly choosing to include radical right parties in coalition governments or other types of stable and committed cooperation. How does this cooperation affect voters’ perceptions of party positions? This article examines whether coalition signals have a significant impact on voters’ perceptions of the specific policy issues that were at stake in the bargaining process. More specifically, does the issue ownership of the radical right cause voters to perceive mainstream parties as radicalizing on immigration issues pertaining to asylum and multiculturalism? I compare the perceptions of Dutch parties before and after two coalition formations that (formally and informally) involved a radical right party: the coalition with the List Pim Fortuyn in 2002 and the support agreement with the Freedom Party in 2010. Furthermore, I examine the long-term effects of the Danish mainstream right government's reliance on the support of the radical right Danish People's Party in 2001–11.

scholarly journals Losing the Discursive Battle but Winning the Ideological War: Who Holds Thatcherite Values Now?

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172098670
Author(s):  
Stephen Farrall ◽  
Emily Gray ◽  
Phil Mike Jones ◽  
Colin Hay
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
New Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
The Uk

In what ways, if at all, do past ideologies shape the values of subsequent generations of citizens? Are public attitudes in one period shaped by the discourses and constructions of an earlier generation of political leaders? Using Thatcherism – one variant of the political New Right of the 1980s – as the object of our enquiries, this article explores the extent to which an attitudinal legacy is detectable among the citizens of the UK some 40 years after Margaret Thatcher first became Prime Minister. Our article, drawing on survey data collected in early 2019 (n = 5781), finds that younger generations express and seemingly embrace key tenets of her and her governments’ philosophies. Yet at the same time, they are keen to describe her government’s policies as having ‘gone too far’. Our contribution throws further light on the complex and often covert character of attitudinal legacies. One reading of the data suggests that younger generations do not attribute the broadly Thatcherite values that they hold to Thatcher or Thatcherism since they were socialised politically after such values had become normalised.

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