Inner Democracy

Author(s):  
Hubert J. M. Hermans

This book investigates the psychological background of contemporary societal problems such as hate speech, authoritarianism, and divisive forms of identity politics. As a response to these phenomena, the book presents the basic premise that a democratic society needs citizens who do more than just express their preference for free elections, freedom of speech, and respect for constitutional rights. Democracy has vitality only if it is rooted in the hearts and minds of its participants who are willing to plant it in the fertile soil of their own selves. In the milieu of tension created by societal power clashes and absolute-truth pretensions, the book investigates how opposition, cooperation, and participation work as innovative forces in a democratic self. Democracy is understood as a personal learning process and as a dialogical play between thought and counter-thought, between imagination and counter-imagination, and between emotion and reason. The book is written for social scientists, teachers, and journalists.

Author(s):  
Iman Rashid Al-Kindi ◽  
Zuhoor Al-Khanjari

One of the most important pillars of smart cities is the smart learning environ-ment. This environment should be well prepared and managed to improve the in-struction process for instructors from one side and the learning process for stu-dents from the other side. This paper presents the student’s Engagement, Behav-ior and Personality (EBP) predictive model. This model uses Moodle log data to investigate the influence and the effect of the students’ EBP factors on their per-formance. For this purpose, this paper uses the data log files of the "Search Strat-egies on the Internet" online course in Fall 2019 at Sultan Qaboos University (SQU) extracted from Moodle database. The intention of conducting this kind of experiments is of three-facets: 1. to assist in gaining a holistic understanding of online learning environments by focusing on student EBP and performance with-in the course activities, 2. to explore whether the student’s EBP can be considered as indicators for predicting student’s performance in online courses, and 3. to support instructors with insights to develop better learning strategies and tailor instructions for personal learning of individual students. Moreover, this paper takes a step forward in identifying effective methods to measure student’s EBP during the learning process. This may contribute to proposing a framework for the smart learning behavior environment that would guide the instructors to ob-serve students’ performance in a more creative way. All the 38 students who participated in this experiment had compatible statistics and results as the relationship between their Engagement, Behavior, Personality was symmetric with their Performance. This relationship was presented using a group of condition rules (If-then). The extracted rules gave us a straightforward and visual picture of the rela-tionship between the factors mentioned in this paper.


2021 ◽  
pp. 15-29
Author(s):  
Riana Susmayanti

HOAX is a negative consequence of the abuse of freedom of speech. The freedom of speech as part of the citizens' constitutional rights should be exercised responsibly. However, the Act on Electronic Information and Transaction limits the responsibility for HOAX deployment in articles only. Therefore, researchers want to see HOAX as a violation of the norms and values in Pancasila, because of the position of Pancasila as the source of all sources of law. This normative juridical research analyzes dogmatic, theory and legal philosophy which shows that HOAX has violated the norms in the five Precepts of Pancasila.


Author(s):  
Sylvie Laurent

This chapter specifically scrutinizes the underpinnings of the campaign’s public policies proposals. Other initiatives, notably Randolph’s “Freedom Budget” or National Urban League’s “Marshall Plan for the Negro” will contrast King’s thoughts on economic justice. It also reflects on the legacy of Roosevelt’s call for an “Economic Bill of Rights” that envisioned constitutional rights to economic security. Beyond Roosevelt, King was echoing major social scientists of his time and proved influenced by their work. This chapter will notably look at the works of socialist and Christian activist Michael Harrington, of prominent economist John Kenneth Galbraith.


Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla

This chapter introduces the task force created by Governor Terry McAuliffe in Richmond, Virginia that are tasked to study the racial violence in the city of Charlottesville during the summer of 2017. It mentions the violence in Richmond that claimed the life of Heather Heyer when a white supremacist, James Alex Fields Jr., slammed his speeding car into a crowd of counter-protesters confronting a “Unite the Right” rally. This chapter explains the work of the task force, which requires them to deeply investigate the constitutional protections of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly and the rules of engagement governing what society could or could not do when confronted with racial supremacist groups rallying in a city. It also describes the famous free speech case called Virginia vs. Black involving vicious racist hate speech. The case involved a cross-burning rally of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in rural western Virginia in 1998 and a second cross-burning incident in Virginia Beach in the yard of an African American, James Jubilee.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Majid Nikouei ◽  
Masoud Zamani

What does the protection or prohibition of a speech tell us about the tripartite relationship between political power, democracy and rights? This question has somehow underscored the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights in hate speech cases for more than a half century. We argue that this question has invariably placed the Court in an uneasy position, which is, choosing between a democracy empowered by unlimited freedom of speech, but with recurrent social tensions, and a democracy with rather strict hate speech laws, but at ease with different segments of population. That said, the jurisprudence of the European Court outlines a pattern by which to identify a specific direction for the evolution of rights and democracy. This article considers this pattern. Not only does this article, examine the pattern in the Court’s and the Commission’s jurisprudence, but it also argues that this pattern unfolds a subtle presence of Hobbesian and Lockean theories of political power and the limits in its midst. By invoking this presence, we indicate how the debate in the jurisprudence of the European Court has shifted from the language of protecting democracy to that of rights.


2007 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Mullender

InThe Hateful and the Obscene, Sumner offers a consequentialist reading of John Stuart Mill’s political philosophy that blinds him to the complexity and normative attractions of Canadian law's response to hate speech and pornography. This essay argues that qualified deontological moral philosophy provides a more adequate basis on which to understand the bodies of law examined by Sumner. The qualified deontological analysis is more adequate since it (unlike consequentialism) provides a basis on which to account for the presence within Canadian law of incommensurable values. The analysis offered here also addresses three further weaknesses in Sumner’s text. Sumner offers an inadequate account of the role played by the concept of community in the law’s operations. He also fails to recognise that a strong commitment to identity politics has shaped the development of Canadian law. But perhaps the most significant weakness inThe Hateful and the Obsceneis Sumner’s adoption of a ‘Millian’ position on free expression that fails adequately to address the threats posed by those political activists who seek to undercut liberal democracy's foundations.


1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce J. Berman

In the twenty-odd years since the declaration of a state of emergency in Kenya in October 1952, the analysis of the phenomenon known as ‘Mau Mau’ has undergone a fundamental revision. The initial interpretation, advanced by the colonial authorities and their apologists and by a few (mostly British) scholars, explained ‘Mau Mau’ as a fanatic, atavistic, savage religious cult consciously created and manipulated by a group of unscrupulous, power-hungry leaders. It was said to be rooted in a mass psychosis affecting an unstable tribe freed from the anchoring constraints of tradition. It was also said to have had no direct links to socio-economic conditions in the colony or to the policies of the Kenya government. This interpretation, popularized by a large and sensational journalistic literature, went virtually unchallenged for more than a decade. During this period ‘Mau Mau’ and its antecedents were largely ignored by social scientists. As late as 1965, Gilbert Kushner could report that a search of major anthropological journals revealed, at best, only peripheral mention of Mau Mau. Where ‘Mau Mau’ was explicitly considered, the basic premise of the official explanation was generally accepted, and the phenomenon was treated as a nativistic cult or revitalization movement.


2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-47
Author(s):  
Scott D. Gerber

Freedom of speech long has been regarded as one of the “preferred freedoms” in the United States: one of the freedoms the U.S. Supreme Court deems “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty.” However, what freedom of speech does—and should—mean is a highly charged question in American constitutional law. I will explore this question by examining how several prominent constitutional theorists have proposed particular approaches to free speech law in order to further their political objectives. I will examine the free speech theories of the nation's leading feminist legal theorist (regarding pornography), critical race theorists (regarding hate speech), libertarian (regarding commercial speech), and legal republican (regarding deliberative democracy). I also will discuss the principal criticisms of each of these theories, whether the courts have been influenced by any of them, and, in conclusion, whether it is possible to advance a nonpolitical (i.e., a purely law-based or value-free) theory of free speech.


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