The Business of Conflict

2021 ◽  
pp. 111-134
Author(s):  
Duncan McLean

This chapter presents an example of how humanitarian aid adapted the realities of the Syrian war. It examines the context of besiegement that reached populations under siege through utilizing the corruption mechanisms of informal networks and smugglers. It also describes how the humanitarian actors’ adaptations to the realities of besiegement, which caused the aid system to contribute to the war economy. The chapter discusses the provision of humanitarian aid by states as a substitute for meaningful foreign policy when healthcare provision was deeply political process steeped in the dynamics of the Syria conflict. It highlights a process of aid delivery that is intertwined with the endemic corruption of the war as a business model, which generated a form of entrepreneurial neutrality.

1974 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Yoder

Analysis of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Dahomean history reveals, not the existence of an absolute despotism, but the presence of a complex and institutionalized political process responsive to the needs and demands of Dahomeans from every part of the country. Each year at Xwetanù (Annual Customs), Dahomean officials met to discuss and decide administrative, military, economic, and diplomatic policies of the nation. In the mid-nineteenth century an obvious polarization developed as two groups, the Elephant Party and the Fly Party, sought to mould foreign policy. The Elephant Party, composed of the Crown, the wealthiest Creole traders, and the highest male military officials, advocated continuing the established practice of capturing and exporting slaves. Therefore, the Elephant Party wanted to destroy Abeokuta, an African rival and threat to slave raiding, and to resist England, a European obstacle to the trans-Atlantic shipment of slaves. After 1840, as slaving became more difficult and as the palm oil trade emerged as an alternative to the slave trade, the Fly Party rose to challenge the goals of the Elephant Party. Comprised of the Amazon army, shrine priests, middle-level administrators, Dahomean entrepreneurs, and trade officials (groups who were unwilling to pay the costs of a major war and who were eager to gain access to the profits of ‘legitimate’ international trade), the Fly Party counselled peaceful co-existence with Abeokuta and restored commercial relations with England. Eventually, the Fly Party was able to gain ascendancy over the Elephant Party. By 1870 the great Creole traders had suffered severe economic reverses, the Crown and the high military officers were divided over the question of Abeokuta, and members of the Fly Party had obtained positions of political and economic dominance within the country. Thus, the economic and military transformations which affected all of West Africa in the first half of the nineteenth century evoked political polarizations, coalitions, and realignments in the nation of Dahomey.


Author(s):  
Philipp Dann ◽  
Martin Wortmann

Development cooperation and humanitarian aid constitute central instruments of the European Union’s foreign policy. They help shape the Union’s relation with neighbouring countries, foster ties with traditional and new allies, and advance European interests in the world. They are also central for the Union’s position and visibility in the world, as they inject European ideas into developments around the globe. Ultimately, these policy areas are fundamental for the Union’s self-perception as an increasingly active, value-based, international actor.


Author(s):  
Sophie Vanhoonacker ◽  
Karolina Pomorska

This chapter examines the institutional context of the European Union's international relations. EU institutions such as the Council, Commission, European Parliament, and the Court of Justice play substantially different roles depending on the policy area. Such variations reflect differing paths of evolution and the different degrees of integration in different areas of external policy. The chapter first considers how we should think about the roles of institutions before discussing some of the key ideas about the ways in which the EU's institutions work. It then explores how institutions affect three policy areas: the Common Commercial Policy, development cooperation policy and humanitarian aid, and European foreign policy and security cooperation. It also describes four propositions that explain why institutions matter and shows that that change in EU membership and in the institutional arrangements in the global arena has had important implications for the development of the EU's ‘internal’ institutions.


1976 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard H. Lentner

Foreign policy decision making is the result of a complex political process in which the political values and style of the chief executive play a large part. The case of Canada's decision, in 1963, to acquire nuclear weapons illustrates that external events and pressures generated by Canada's international obligations were processed through complex political interactions. The Government of Prime Minister Diefenbaker was unable to take the nuclear weapons decision because of two splits in the Cabinet, only one of which was pertinent to nuclear weapons policy. The decision was taken by Leader of the Opposition Pearson alone and in conformity with his personal values, because of his political style which commanded deference. The approach used combines historical detail with political analysis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk

With the instrumentalisation of Islam via the state apparatuses in foreign policy, Sunni Islam has become both an instrument and a purpose of the repressive Justice and Development Party and Turkey has started to be one of the front runners of countries who are increasingly competing for using Islam as a foreign policy tool. This relatively new role of Turkey has created various diverging ideas among the host countries where Turkey is active. While some countries are rather content with Turkey’s religiously fueled policies and humanitarian aid, and define Turkey as one of the most influential actors which can use religion as a soft power tool, others refuse to define Turkey’s policies within the boundaries of religious soft power due to its extra-territorial authoritarian practices and instrumentalisation of religion for these. Under these circumstances, this study defines Turkey’s religious soft power as an ambivalent one and scrutinises the reasons behind this ambiguity via exploring some country cases from Southeast Europe.


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