ARENA

Author(s):  
James Loxton

This chapter examines ARENA in El Salvador and argues that, like the UDI in Chile, its success was the product of authoritarian inheritance and counterrevolutionary struggle. The first section discusses El Salvador’s long history of right-wing military rule. The second section examines the October 1979 coup and the resulting establishment of a left-wing Revolutionary Governing Junta. The third section discusses the intense counterrevolutionary response that the junta triggered. This included large-scale death squad violence, with future ARENA founder Roberto D’Aubuisson playing a key role. The fourth section examines the formation of ARENA in response to an impending transition to competitive elections. The fifth section shows how D’Aubuisson’s role as a high-level official in the pre-1979 military regime endowed ARENA with several valuable resources. The final section discusses how ARENA’s origins in counterrevolutionary struggle served as a powerful source of cohesion.

Author(s):  
James Loxton

This chapter examines the failure of the PAN in Guatemala, and compares it to the success of ARENA in El Salvador. The first section discusses the country’s history of right-wing military rule. The second section asks why no “Guatemalan ARENA” formed, arguing that this was due to the sui generis nature of the Ríos Montt dictatorship (1982–1983) and the resulting formation of an important non-conservative authoritarian successor party (FRG). The third section examines the formation of the PAN, drawing attention to the relative weakness of its starting position. The final section looks at the series of schisms that led to the PAN’s demise, highlighting the complete absence of the mechanisms of cohesion found in ARENA—a problem made worse by the quick-fix solution that it found to its problem of organizational weakness: incorporating local bosses from an existing party, who had little loyalty to the PAN’s founders and would later turn against them.


Author(s):  
Aistis Augustaitis ◽  
Vytautas Jurėnas

<p class="Abstract">Trunk type robots (TTRs) are exclusive. These robots can provide a high level of maneuverability and have a potential in medicine or high risk zones. TTRs are determined as a long serial linkage of similar segments. They are usually connected using tendons or small actuators. A spherical actuator is the most appreciable option. The motion of real spherical actuator (RSA) can be easily obtained applying an inverse piezoelectric effect. It has three independent spinning axes. These axes are perpendicular to each other despite the history of excitation. Kinematics and dynamics of RSA almost have no basics regardless of mentioned features. This situation can be explained according to common disadvantages of other SAs: sophisticated structure and complex control. The structures and abilities of TTRs are reviewed in the first section of this article. At the beginning of the fourth section the kinematics of piezoelectric TTR with two different RSAs is introduced. Its results of inverse dynamics using Euler-Lagrange equations are presented at the end of the fourth section. Similar results are derived using an analytical-potential method in the fifth section. It is quite accurate and effective option to determine inverse dynamics of the TTR employing an analytical-potential method.</p>


Author(s):  
Alessandra Gilibert

Vishaps are large-scale prehistoric stelae decorated with animal reliefs, erected at secluded mountain locations of the South Caucasus. This paper focuses on the vishaps of modern Armenia and traces their history of re-use and manipulations, from the end of the third millennium BCE to the Middle Ages. Since their creation at an unknown point in time before 2100 BCE, vishaps functioned as symbolic anchors for the creation and transmission of religious and political messages: they were torn down, buried, re-worked, re-erected, transformed and used as a surface for graffiti. This complex sequence of re-contextualisations underscores the primacy of mountains as political arenas for the negotiation of religious and ritual meaning.


Author(s):  
James Loxton

This chapter examines the failure of the UCEDE in Argentina, and compares it to the success of the UDI in Chile. The first section discusses the long history of conservative party weakness in Argentina. The second section asks why no “Argentine UDI” emerged from the 1976–1983 military regime, arguing that its poor governing performance—including, notably, its defeat in the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas War—made the formation of such a party unviable. The third section examines the emergence of the UCEDE, emphasizing its much weaker starting position relative to the UDI. The fourth section discusses the fall of the UCEDE, which suffered a series of schisms and a sharp drop in electoral support after newly elected President Carlos Menem (1989–1999), a Peronist, began to implement much of its economic program. While the proximate cause of the UCEDE’s collapse was the Menem government, the chapter argues that the deeper cause was the party’s various built-in weaknesses.


Author(s):  
Dwayne A. Meisner

The first chapter begins with a general introduction to the topic of Orphic legend, ritual, and literature, along with the history of scholarship on Orphism, and the methods to be employed in this book for the study of four Orphic theogonies: Derveni, Eudemian, Hieronyman, and Rhapsodic. In the second section, the Orphic theogonies are placed in the wider context of ancient Near Eastern and Greek theogonic narratives. The third section analyzes the generic distinctions between theogonies and hymns and argues that Orphic theogonies have features of both, suggesting that the term “theogonic hymn” is the best way of describing their generic function. The fourth section argues that Orphic theogonies were a meeting point between the discourses of myth and philosophy. Some fragments of Orphic poetry appear to contain philosophical ideas, while prose philosophers, from the Presocratics to the Neoplatonists, regularly referred to Orphic poems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 587-605
Author(s):  
Marie-Emmanuelle Chessel

Abstract Apropos the history of human rights in France, one spontaneously thinks of the French Revolution and then of left-wing activists, particularly socialists. Their opponents, the Catholics, normally considered to be right wing and usually opposed to socialism, appear as a counterpoint. This article argues that some Catholics, especially those who referred to themselves as ‘social Catholics’, also contributed to the adoption of certain rights, particularly social rights, in France in unexpected and paradoxical ways. Their contribution was made through their social activities, visible in their organizations’ archives more than through their discourse. Social Catholics spoke little of ‘rights’. Yet paradoxically, discourses about ‘duties’ can lead to the defence of rights, especially through the practice of social surveys and the importance of social ‘facts’. Examples are taken from the history of the Ligue Sociale d’Acheteurs, the Union Féminine Civique et Sociale and other French Catholic organizations such as the Secrétariats sociaux.


1898 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 17-79
Author(s):  
C. H. Firth
Keyword(s):  

The present paper is not an attempt to write a narrative of the battle of Marston Moor, but an attempt to solve certain questions connected with its history, and to state the evidence concerning them. I propose, therefore, to discuss in detail the four following subjects: The numbers and the composition of the Royalist and Parliamentary armies; the order in which the forces composing the two armies were drawn up on the battlefield; the tactics of Cromwell and the cavalry under his command during the battle; the nature and value of the authorities for the history of the battle. This investigation has led me to reject a view which is adopted in all modern accounts of the battle, and had been hitherto accepted by myself. The received view is that the infantry of the Parliamentary right wing was entirely routed, while a portion of the centre stood firm. The conclusion which a reconsideration of the evidence obliges me to adopt in this paper is exactly the opposite. The Parliamentary centre was entirely routed, but a portion of the infantry of the right wing held their ground until the cavalry and infantry of the left wing came to their relief, and turned a defeat into a victory.


2004 ◽  
Vol 827 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Stolk ◽  
Robert Martello ◽  
Franklin W. Olin

AbstractOlin College sophomores participate in integrated course blocks that merge technical content with business, arts, humanities, and social science topics, allowing students to work on engineering projects that have broader implications than the purely technical. In this paper, we present Paul Revere: Tough as Nails, a multidisciplinary course block that combines an introductory materials science course with a history of technology course and a large scale project. In Paul Revere, students explore connections between historical and technological materials science developments through examinations of Paul Revere's metallurgical work and analyses of the relevant social, environmental, political, and economic aspects that contribute to ancient and modern technologies. The explicit linkages among technical, non-technical, and hands-on aspects of the course improve learning of traditional topics, help drive interdisciplinary thinking, and lead to a high level of student satisfaction and motivation throughout the semester.


Author(s):  
Nikolai N. Nazarov ◽  
◽  
Sergei V. Kopytov ◽  

The analysis of the actual data on the age and stages of the channel systems formation in the Kama-Keltma lowland was based on the altitudinal differentiation of different stages of the relief and the results of radiocarbon dating of organics from the channel and floodplain facies. Late Pleistocene lake terrace is the highest level in the Upper Kama depression and Keltma hollow. The research into the geomorphological structure and age of deposited materials, with a particular focus on separate elements of the Kama-Keltma lowland erosive and accumulative relief, indicates the existence of six stages of the channel systems formation (reorganization). The first stage (end of the Kalinin stadial) is the Chepets hollow formation. The hollow was preserved after large-scale changes in the bottom relief of the Upper Kama depression. The second stage (Mologa-Sheksna interstadial) is the first Kama terrace formation. The third stage (Ostashkov stadial, 20-18 ka) is the period of the runoff hollow formation (including the ‘large terrace hollow’), which actively dissected the surface of aeolian landforms. The fourth stage (LGM, 18-10 ka) is the formation of the macromeanders of the South Keltma, Pilva, and Timsher, as well as the multi-arm channel of the Kama during alternating periods of relatively short-term warming and cooling. The fifth stage is the wide Kama floodplain formation in the Preboreal – Subboreal, represented by segmental generations. The sixth stage (modern) is characterized by the ‘straightening’ of the Kama channel – the formation of a relatively straight channel throughout the Kama-Keltma lowland.


2021 ◽  
Vol V (2) ◽  
pp. 191-209
Author(s):  
Yuri Vasilenko

The article is dedicated to Juan III (1822–1887), the Carlist pretender to the Spanish throne in 1861-1868, who opposed himself to the Carlist «mainstream» by expanding the ideological framework of this movement to the left up to liberalism. As a liberal, Juan III becomes an exponent of the trend (left-wing bias within Carlist conservatism) which originates from Carlist general R. Maroto Yserns` activities who signed in 1839 the peace of Vergara with the Isabelites and expresses in Carlos VI`s attempts to find an agreement between the two branches of the Spanish Bourbons in the form of a dynastic marriage with Isabel II. The article analyzes the failures of Juan III as a political practitioner who sought to combine in his activities the desire to integrate himself into the New — liberal-bourgeois — Order (but for that it was necessary to find agreement with the liberal-conservative wing of the «moderados» on the right and the progressives on the left) and to remain at the head of the Carlist «mainstream» which stood on the positions of right-wing conservatism. To identify the contradictions between such incompatible intentions, Juan III's views are contrasted with — the second wife of Carlos V — Maria Teresa, Princess de Beira`s ideas who expressed the interests of the Carlist «mainstream» on the eve of the liberal-bourgeois revolution of 1868-1974 and the third Carlist war. It is shown that the figure of Juan III — for all its irrelevance in the socio-political conditions of Spain in the XIX century — becomes a kind of herald for the modern leaders of Carlism (traditionalist and liberal conservative ones) who live and act separately from the currently marginal “right-wing faction” of Carlism which still stands on the positions of right-wing conservatism.


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