political messages
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2022 ◽  

This bibliography covers scholarship on selected protest songs of the musician Thomas “Mukanya” Mapfumo (b. 1945) that were written in colonial and postcolonial Zimbabwe. In keeping with the Marxist cultural theoretical orientation that is evident in research on this subject, the organization of these entries traces the sociopolitical engagement of Mapfumo’s songs that reflect praise and dissent during the Second and Third Chimurenga wars of political liberation, respectively. Discourse on Zimbabwe’s economic challenges has positive and negative interpretations. Mamdani 2005 and Bond and Manyanya 2002 (both cited under General Overview) state that the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) inherited an economy that had already suffered due to pre-independence policies. Dossa 2007 (under General Overview) argues that development is meant to perpetuate Western dominance. Manjengwa 2007 (under General Overview) blames the ruling party’s top-down approach in implementing development programs. The first section of the bibliography analyzes the songs “Pfumvu paruzevha,” “Kuyaura,” “Chiruzevha chapera,” and “Tumira vana kuhondo,” which Mukanya composed to express the experiences of Zimbabweans during colonialism. Zimbabweans’ way of life was disrupted and Mukanya mirrored this cultural upset through protest songs. The songs resonated well with the ideology of the ZANU-PF. Soon after independence, Mapfumo sang celebration songs (“Zimbabwe” and “Rakarira jongwe”). The second section examines protest songs penned after independence (“Varombo kuvarombo,” “Ndiani waparadza musha,” “Musatambe nenyika,” “Disaster,” “Corruption,” “Mamvemve,” “Maiti kurima hamubvire,” “Chauya chauya,” and “Ndangariro”). The scenario deteriorated due to alleged misgovernance by the ruling ZANU-PF elite, a situation that attracted Mukanya’s criticism. The bibliography traces how the transition of ZANU-PF from heroes to villains is portrayed through Mukanya’s music. During the armed struggle, Mapfumo sided with the liberation war movement. This changed after independence, and Mapfumo allegorically poses questions pointing at the empty promises ZANU-PF leaders made to uplift Zimbabweans’ standard of living. Mukanya sang about the contested land redistribution in Zimbabwe. Consequently, Mapfumo was stalked by state repressive agents until he fled to live in exile in the United States in 2000. He yearned for Ubuntu philosophy, nationalism, and unity. People may differ ideologically, but they ought to accept one another as a nation. This fosters positive peace, which Zimbabweans have yearned for over four decades. Mapfumo wants people to be economically empowered. He has been incarcerated before and he is fearless. Chimurenga music is a voice for the downtrodden masses. Mukanya’s songs that have explicit political messages were banned from airplay by the government. Mapfumo has remained united with the people he is fighting for despite living in exile. Mapfumo uses music to complain about the people’s suffering. He bears memories about Zimbabwe that remain engrained in Chimurenga music in the backdrop of ZANU-PF hegemony. He has called for free and fair elections because Zimbabweans have a right to choose leaders, but election results have been contested since 2000.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (IV) ◽  
pp. 68-83
Author(s):  
Mariam Waheed Mekheimar

Nascent research is conducted on the advancement of discourse analysis in film to include different modes as images, sound and text. This study is focused on how images are embedded within texts in an audio-visual medium such as cinema to highlight political messages; it also seeks to broaden our understanding of politics beyond a relatively narrow conceptualization of the "political" through studying non-traditional discourses such as cinematic discourse. The aim of the study is to develop a systematic approach to film analysis to examine political nuance sin film. The method adopted in this research is Multi modal Discourse Analysis (MDA) focusing on embedding visuals, audio, and text in the film to examine how a political meaning can be conveyed through the interaction between those different modes. Drawing on the multi modal discourse analysis literature, different modalities will be studied to understand how those modes interact in the cinematic discourse. The film, "Cream of the Crop", is selected as an example to examine how political meanings in film can tackle the cinematic representation of the notion of social justice. This study contributes to the vast array of literature on the multi modal discourse analysis of films by focusing on political dynamics within them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Muhammad Danil ◽  
Erliza Fitri

This study discusses the political communication carried out by Nasrul in the 2019–2024 legislative elections in Payakumbuh City. The focus of this research is on the elected candidates from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) due to being elected as a member of the DPRD Payakumbuh City with the most votes. The author assumes that his victory was motivated by good political communication. This research is a field research with a qualitative approach, while data collection is carried out through interviews with direct respondents Nasrul as the main source and secondary sources are the head of the PKS faction, a team of volunteers, community leaders who were selected based on sampling. The purpose of this study was to "know about the political communication used by Nasrul in the legislative elections" in Payakumbuh City for the 2019-2024 period. The results of this study, get the following conclusions: first, the political communication strategy used by Nasrul: 1) Nasrul uses the style of public relations communication (building relationships with the community). 2) Delivering political messages in the form of vision and mission. 3) Using media outside the campaign space such as stickers and calendars. 4) The effectiveness of Nasrul's political communication that is getting support in the form of voting in the legislative elections with acquiring 986 votes in electoral districts III (East Payakumbuh and North Payakumbuh).


Early Theatre ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorna Wallace

This article positions Misfortunes within the context of drama and literature offered as counsel. Such contextualization demonstrates that the play drew upon Senecan drama, mirror for princes texts, and the Inns play Gorboduc in order to more authoritatively offer counsel about counsel itself to Elizabeth I, her court, and readers of the play in print. Considering both Misfortunes’s wider circulation in print and in a recent performance by The Dolphin’s Back, this article argues that the play’s counsel had value beyond its application to the queen. We can fully decode the play’s political messages only by looking across these different contexts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 604-613
Author(s):  
Vladislav Milanov ◽  

The current article examines Bulgarian public political speech as a challenge for the professional translators and as a series of political messages addressed to young people who study at higher educational institutions in Bulgaria. The article analyses the perception of clichéd constructions as well as the models of speech aggression which are widely practiced in different discussion formats such as election campaign debates, parliamentary control, public debates on TV where important public issues are discussed. The observations on the presidential election campaign in 2021 are also presented as well as the perception of the political messages by the nominees. The main conclusion from the scientific study shows that both Bulgarians and foreigners face problems with the grammatically correct sentence constructions behind which there is a minimum of information. The study also confirms the hypothesis that foreign students in Bulgaria recognize a number of common features between the political speech in our country and in their home countries. The clichés and the speech aggression are present in the global political speech as a component which defines the models of public speech and Bulgaria is no exception from that. A similar conclusion can be made about the interconnection between political and journalistic speech where the following common speech features can be recognized: inability to listen to the interlocutor; politicians slide over journalistic questions; the “self” overexposure, etc.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy ZalfianaRusfian

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy Zalfiana Rusfian

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Caitlin Lynch

<p>TERROR NULLIUS (Soda_Jerk, 2018) is an experimental sample film that remixes Australian cinema, television and news media into a “political revenge fable” (soda_jerk.co.au). While TERROR NULLIUS is overtly political in tone, understanding its specific messages requires unpacking its form, content and cultural references. This thesis investigates the multiple layers of TERROR NULLIUS’ politics, thereby highlighting the political strategies and capacities of sample filmmaking. Employing a historical methodology, this research contextualises TERROR NULLIUS within a tradition of sampling and other subversive modes of filmmaking, including Soviet cinema, Surrealism, avant-garde found-footage films, fan remix videos, and Australian archival art films. This comparative analysis highlights how Soda_Jerk utilise and advance formal strategies of subversive appropriation, fair use, dialectical editing and digital compositing to interrogate the relationship between media and culture. It also argues that TERROR NULLIUS employs postmodern and postcolonial approaches to archives and history to undermine positivist, linear historical constructions and colonial mythologies. Building on these formal and theoretical foundations, this thesis also closely reads TERROR NULLIUS to scrutinise the accessibility of its arguments for Australian and international audiences: one reading utilises Donna Haraway’s cyberfeminist theory to interpret TERROR NULLIUS’ progressive identity politics, and the second explores the cultural and historical references imbedded in TERROR NULLIUS’ samples to unpack its commentary on contemporary debates in Australian politics (particularly regarding refugee detention and white nationalism). Ultimately, this multi- faceted analysis of TERROR NULLIUS’ form, content and references highlights the complexity of sample films’ political messages, which are radically open to diverse interpretations.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Caitlin Lynch

<p>TERROR NULLIUS (Soda_Jerk, 2018) is an experimental sample film that remixes Australian cinema, television and news media into a “political revenge fable” (soda_jerk.co.au). While TERROR NULLIUS is overtly political in tone, understanding its specific messages requires unpacking its form, content and cultural references. This thesis investigates the multiple layers of TERROR NULLIUS’ politics, thereby highlighting the political strategies and capacities of sample filmmaking. Employing a historical methodology, this research contextualises TERROR NULLIUS within a tradition of sampling and other subversive modes of filmmaking, including Soviet cinema, Surrealism, avant-garde found-footage films, fan remix videos, and Australian archival art films. This comparative analysis highlights how Soda_Jerk utilise and advance formal strategies of subversive appropriation, fair use, dialectical editing and digital compositing to interrogate the relationship between media and culture. It also argues that TERROR NULLIUS employs postmodern and postcolonial approaches to archives and history to undermine positivist, linear historical constructions and colonial mythologies. Building on these formal and theoretical foundations, this thesis also closely reads TERROR NULLIUS to scrutinise the accessibility of its arguments for Australian and international audiences: one reading utilises Donna Haraway’s cyberfeminist theory to interpret TERROR NULLIUS’ progressive identity politics, and the second explores the cultural and historical references imbedded in TERROR NULLIUS’ samples to unpack its commentary on contemporary debates in Australian politics (particularly regarding refugee detention and white nationalism). Ultimately, this multi- faceted analysis of TERROR NULLIUS’ form, content and references highlights the complexity of sample films’ political messages, which are radically open to diverse interpretations.</p>


Author(s):  
Meng-Jie Wang ◽  
Kumar Yogeeswaran ◽  
Sivanand Sivaram ◽  
Kyle Nash

AbstractPrevious research investigating the transmission of political messaging has primarily taken a valence-based approach leaving it unclear how specific emotions influence the spread of candidates’ messages, particularly in a social media context. Moreover, such work does not examine if any differences exist across major political parties (i.e., Democrats vs. Republicans) in their responses to each type of emotional content. Leveraging more than 7000 original messages published by Senate candidates on Twitter leading up to the 2018 US mid-term elections, the present study utilizes an advanced natural language tool (i.e., IBM Tone Analyzer) to examine how candidates’ multidimensional discrete emotions (i.e., joy, anger, fear, sadness, and confidence) displayed in a given tweet—might be more likely to garner the public’s attention online. While the results indicate that positive joy-signaling tweets are less likely to be retweeted or favorited on both sides of the political spectrum, the presence of anger- and fear-signaling tweets were significantly associated with increased diffusion among Republican and Democrat networks, respectively. Neither expressions of confidence nor sadness had an impact on retweet or favorite counts. Given the ubiquity of social media in contemporary politics, here we provide a starting point from which to disentangle the role of specific emotions in the proliferation of political messages, shedding light on the ways in which political candidates gain potential exposure throughout the election cycle.


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