An Archive of Diaspora at the “Jerusalem on the Ohio”

2021 ◽  
pp. 85-115
Author(s):  
Jason Lustig

This chapter introduces another model of total archives, Jacob Rader Marcus’s American Jewish Archives, founded in 1947 at Hebrew Union College in Cincinnati. The AJA offers a counterpart to the Jerusalem archives considered in chapter 2. In the course of his time directing the AJA, from 1947 to 1995, Marcus developed another type of total archive, but one that represented an ideal of diaspora and dispersion as Jewish values and archival virtues. The process of gathering archives to Cincinnati reflected Marcus’s personal perspective on the history of America’s Jews, in particular by looking at it from a western-hemisphere perspective, through his efforts to gather materials from the earliest Jewish settlements in the Caribbean and South America. In addition, he created an archive of copies, looking to gather as much as he could in duplicate rather than in the original.

Author(s):  
Michele Valerie Ronnick

The multifaceted career of Henry Alexander Saturnin Hartley (1861–1934) has been almost entirely overlooked by scholars. It however offers us a window into the way the study of classics traveled up and down the Atlantic seaboard and through the Americas. His peripatetic life which took him from Trinidad, to Paris, to maritime Canada, to South America and also to parts of the U.S. figures into the larger history of black classicism when knowledge of classical languages was a “currency” of its own. His 134-page book Classical Translations (Nova Scotia, 1889) was a singular achievement. It is the first book of translations taken from the literature of ancient Greece and Rome that was written and published by a person of African descent in the western hemisphere.


Plant Disease ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 88 (5) ◽  
pp. 523-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Pivonia ◽  
X. B. Yang

Soybean rust (Phakopsora pachyrhizi Sydow) has been known to occur in eastern Asia and Aus-tralia for decades. In recent years, the disease entered Africa and South America and has spread rapidly in these continents. It has become a concern to the U.S. soybean industry. To assess the threat of soybean rust, we used a modeling approach to determine the potential geographical zones where the fungus might overwinter and serve as source areas for seasonal epidemics. Long-term meteorological averages were used to assess the temperature stresses by using CLIMEX, and the dry stress with an algorithm developed in this study. Integration of stresses was used to predict the likelihood of survival of the rust in a defined location. Our results suggest that the new soybean rust invasions in Africa and South America occurred in the areas where the fungus might persist year-round. The main regions where rust has not been reported but might overwinter are located in the western hemisphere, including northern South America, Central America, the Caribbean, Mexico, southern Texas, and Florida. Southeastern China and neighboring areas are suggested as the primary regions where initial spores for soybean rust epidemics in central China are produced. If the disease is to establish in the United States, it is likely to be restricted to parts of Florida and southern Texas during the winter in the frost-free areas or areas where the fungus could overcome short periods of below-freezing temperatures. Occurrence of rust epidemics within the U.S. soybean belt would depend on south-to-north dispersal of uredospores.


Author(s):  
Cécile Vidal

The introduction presents the book’s argument according to which it is more accurate to view eighteenth-century New Orleans as a Caribbean port city than as a North American one, as its late foundation, its position within the French Empire, and its connections with Saint-Domingue explain why the interplay of slavery and race profoundly shaped its society from the outset. It situates the book vis-à-vis Louisiana and Atlantic historiographies on urban slavery, slave societies, and racial formation, arguing that historians need to move away from a comparative history of racial slavery in the Western Hemisphere that contrasts the Caribbean and North America as two distinctive models. Finally, the introduction discusses how the book draws on two methodological approaches in order to analyze how racial formation unfolded under the influence of global, regional, and local circumstances: it practices a situated Atlantic history and develops a microhistory of race within the urban center.


Author(s):  
Heather Andrea Williams

Slavery had long existed in Europe and Africa, but the history of the Atlantic slave trade begins in the 1440s with Portuguese exploration of West Africa. ‘The Atlantic slave trade’ charts the increased demand for slave labor in Portugal and the Christian justification of African enslavement. In the 1490s, the journeys of Christopher Columbus to the Caribbean and North and South America opened up mineral-rich and fertile lands on which European countries planted their flags and the Christian cross. More than 12 million Africans boarded the ships, but nearly 2 million died during the Middle Passage. Of those who survived, only about 5 percent went to North America, with most going to South America and the Caribbean.


English Today ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Meyerhoff

ABSTRACTAn analysis of dialect variability in the use of BE in the island of Bequia. Bequia (pronounced /bekwei/) is the northernmost of the Grenadine islands in St Vincent and the Grenadines. Like most of the Caribbean, Bequia has a long history of language contact, but most of the evidence for this must be inferred. It appears that the Carib population living on the island before European colonization settled Bequia in successive waves of migration ultimately originating from the coast of South America indeed the name ‘Bequia’ is said to derive from a Carib word becouya, meaning ‘Island of the clouds’, but as yet I have been unable to trace this etymon reliably to a particular Carib language. Based on what we know about St Vincent, and the limited mentions of Bequia in the eighteenth century, we can infer that, at times, there may have been contact between some combination of speakers of a Carib language or languages, French, English, African languages and/or possibly a relatively new creole-like or contact variety of English.


2015 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Spikings ◽  
Ryan Cochrane ◽  
Diego Villagomez ◽  
Roelant Van der Lelij ◽  
Cristian Vallejo ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Fernandes ◽  
Kendra A. Sirak ◽  
Harald Ringbauer ◽  
Jakob Sedig ◽  
Nadin Rohland ◽  
...  

Humans settled the Caribbean ~6,000 years ago, with intensified agriculture and ceramic use marking a shift from the Archaic Age to the Ceramic Age ~2,500 years ago. To shed new light on the history of Caribbean people, we report genome-wide data from 184 individuals predating European contact from The Bahamas, Cuba, Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Curaçao, and northwestern Venezuela. A largely homogeneous ceramic-using population most likely originating in northeastern South America and related to present-day Arawak-speaking groups moved throughout the Caribbean at least 1,800 years ago, spreading ancestry that is still detected in parts of the region today. These people eventually almost entirely replaced Archaic-related lineages in Hispaniola but not in northwestern Cuba, where unadmixed Archaic-related ancestry persisted into the last millennium. We document high mobility and inter-island connectivity throughout the Ceramic Age as reflected in relatives buried ~75 kilometers apart in Hispaniola and low genetic differentiation across many Caribbean islands, albeit with subtle population structure distinguishing the Bahamian islands we studied from the rest of the Caribbean and from each other, and long-term population continuity in southeastern coastal Hispaniola differentiating this region from the rest of the island. Ceramic-associated people avoided close kin unions despite limited mate pools reflecting low effective population sizes (2Ne=1000-2000) even at sites on the large Caribbean islands. While census population sizes can be an order of magnitude larger than effective population sizes, pan-Caribbean population size estimates of hundreds of thousands are likely too large. Transitions in pottery styles show no evidence of being driven by waves of migration of new people from mainland South America; instead, they more likely reflect the spread of ideas and people within an interconnected Caribbean world.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas H. Ubelaker ◽  
Sonia E. Colantonio

<table> <tr> <td> <p>Despite significant positive developments within topics of biological anthropology, archaeology, and related academic areas in Latin America, we noted a lack of coordination and communication among them. Available publications provide syntheses within different areas of biological anthropology, yet few have attempted integration of the distinct subfields. We decided to address the development and current issues of most major areas of Latin American biological anthropology in a single volume with chapters by distinguished, experienced scholars who live and work in Latin America, are knowledgeable about the topics, have published extensively on them, and who were recommended by specialists within six geographical regions of interest: Brazil and northeastern South America, Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, northwestern South America, and southern South America. Six subdisciplines within biological anthropology were defined for academic coverage: (1) biodemography and epidemiology; (2) bioarchaeology and skeletal biology; (3) paleopathology; (4) forensic anthropology; (5) population genetics; and (6) growth, development, health, and nutrition. Though these six subdisciplines overlap to an extent, each offers a distinct history of development and presents unique issues to address. Chapters generally cover topics of history, the state of knowledge, methodological perspective, and areas in need of additional research. Although the text is in English, abstracts in English, Spanish, and Portuguese are included.</p> </td> </tr> </table>


Plant Disease ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. Ploetz ◽  
X. Mourichon

Black Sigatoka, caused by Mycosphaerella fijiensis, is widely recognized as the most important disease of banana, Musa spp. It has spread rapidly in the Western Hemisphere since it first appeared in Honduras in 1972, and is now found in the Caribbean basin in Cuba, Jamaica, and the Dominican Republic, and on the mainland from central Mexico south to Bolivia and northwestern Brazil (2). In October 1998, symptoms of black Sigatoka (2) were observed on several different cultivars in a collection at the University of Florida's Tropical Research and Education Center (TREC) in Homestead (25°30′ N, 80°30′ W). During preliminary surveys, the disease was found at four of eight locations in a 15 km2 area to the north of TREC. Disease severity, rated as the youngest leaf spotted (YLS), averaged 4.8 on the most susceptible cultivar, Rajapuri, at one of the locations. The extent and history of damage at this site indicated that black Sigatoka had been there for at least 3 to 4 years. The prevailing east to west winds in the Caribbean, and highly variable incidence and severity of the disease also suggested that the pathogen had been introduced to the area on infected seed pieces (suckers) rather than by wind or rain-blown ascospores from Cuba or other affected areas (1). The presence of the disease was confirmed after the following characteristics of the pathogen's anamorph, Paracercospora fijiensis, were observied on affected leaves: simple conidiophores occurring singly or in groups of two to six with one to several septa, scars, and usually a broadened base; and conidia much more abundant on lower leaf surfaces, straight to variously bent with one to several septa and a conspicuous scar at the base. Single-ascospore cultures were recovered from Rajapuri and are stored at CIRAD/FLHOR in Montpellier. This is the first time black Sigatoka has been reported in the continental United States. Banana is a minor but significant tropical fruit crop in southern Florida, with fruit valued at over $2.5 million per annum. Production from Hua moa, Silk, and other important cultivars will probably be affected as the disease becomes established in this part of the state. References: (1) R. H. Stover. Plant Dis. 64:750, 1980. (2) J. C. Tejerina et al. Plant Dis. 81:1332, 1997.


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