Is There a Future for New Communist States?

Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer

Communism was the offspring of wars: World War I, World War II, and the Vietnam War. Are such wars likely in the coming decades? If not, new communist regimes on the Leninist-Stalinist-Maoist models are unlikely to come to power in the name of Marxism-Leninism. Whether that ideological heritage becomes again a beacon for revolution may depend on whether, in the future, the historical imagination comes to view communism as having been an achievement or a tragedy.

Author(s):  
Daphné Richemond-Barak

This chapter paints a panoramic and multifaceted picture of tunnel warfare across time and geography. It begins with World War I, which has marked history with powerful tunnel mining attacks, face-to-face underground combat, and the demonstration of how tunnel users improve their skills on the go. It proceeds to focus on underground combat through World War II, the Vietnam War, the wars in Afghanistan, the War in Syria, and cross-border tunnels in Egypt and Israel. It shows that underground warfare has evolved into a global phenomenon that is currently benefiting from strategic and technological tailwinds. Asymmetric conflicts, where the aerial and ground superiority of one party stands out, are particularly vulnerable to the spread of underground warfare.


1991 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Horwich ◽  
David J. Bjornstad

During the twentieth century the United States has called upon its economy to support a war effort four times: for World War I, World War II, the Korean conflict, and the Vietnam War. The experience of these four military buildups has led to a formal body of mobilization planning incorporating a number of implicit assumptions as to an appropriate mobilization posture. This article reviews the mobilization record of each war and traces the development of the accompanying mobilization doctrine.


2019 ◽  
pp. 97-114
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Magee

Irving Berlin’s all-soldier World War I revue, Yip Yip Yaphank, made a unique impact on Broadway in 1918 and in Berlin’s work for decades to come. The show forged a compelling and comic connection between theatrical conventions and military protocols, using elements from minstrelsy, the Ziegfeld Follies, and Berlin’s distinctive songs. Featuring such Berlin standards as “Sterling Silver Moon” (later revised as “Mandy”) and “Oh! How I Hate to Get Up in the Morning,” it was revised for World War II as This Is the Army, and scenes from it reappear, transformed, in Berlin’s films Alexander’s Ragtime Band and White Christmas.


2018 ◽  
pp. 198-238
Author(s):  
Richard T. Hughes

While the myth of the Innocent Nation weaves a tale that is objectively false with no redemptive qualities, it is one of the strongest of the American myths in terms of its hold over the American people. That myth, like the nation itself, hangs suspended between the golden age of an innocent past (Nature’s Nation) and a golden age of innocence yet to come (Millennial Nation). Suspended in that vacuous state, Americans imagine that history is irrelevant. How could it be otherwise? Nothing destroys a sense of innocence like the terrors of history taken seriously. Anchored by the pillars that stand at the beginning and end of time, the myth of the Innocent Nation flourished during every modern conflict beginning with World War I, but especially when the nation faced enemies like Nazi Germany in World War II or Isis during the War on Terror. The irony was obvious, for even as the nation proclaimed its innocence, black soldiers, for example, returned from World War II only to face brutality and segregation in their own nation. Countless blacks from Muhammed Ali to Toni Morrison to James Baldwin to Ta-Nehisi Coates have protested that irony in the American myth of Innocence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-98
Author(s):  
David Barno ◽  
Nora Bensahel

This chapter explores the role of leadership in military adaptation, which may be the most important factor of all. Adaptable tactical leaders must rapidly assess the battlefield and identify the need for change, remain willing to abandon accepted procedures when required, and candidly advocate for organizational change when needed. At the theater level, adaptive leaders face more challenges in identifying the need for change. They need to actively seek out ideas from throughout the chain of command, and to lead rapid battlefield change within their formations. The chapter examines the successful tactical adaptability of Captain John Abizaid during the 1983 invasion of Grenada and the failed tactical adaptability of Lieutenant Colonel Robert McDade in 1965 during the Vietnam War. It also examines the successful theater adaptability of Field Marshall William Slim during the Burma campaign of World War II, and the failed theater adaptability of General William Westmoreland in Vietnam War.


1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
George A. Finch

Retribution for the shocking crimes and atrocities committed by the enemy during World War II was made imperative by the overwhelming demands emanating from the public conscience throughout the civilized world. Statesmen and jurists realized that another failure to vindicate the law such as followed World War I would prove their incapacity to make progress in strengthening the international law of the future.1


Author(s):  
Barry Riley

This book discusses the 220-year history of the political and humanitarian uses of American food as a tool of both foreign and domestic policy. During these years, food aid has been used as a weapon against the expansion of bolshevism after World War I and communism after World War II, a cudgel to force policy changes by recalcitrant recipient governments, a method for balancing disputes between Israel and Egypt, a backdoor means of increasing military aid to Southeast Asia during the Vietnam War, a signal of support to friendly governments, and a resource to help achieve economic development in food-insecure countries. At home, international food aid has, at times, been used to dump troublesome food surpluses abroad and has served politicians as a tool to secure the votes of farming constituents and the political support of agriculture-sector lobbyists, commodity traders, transporters, and shippers. Most important in the minds of many, it has been the most visible—and most popular—means of providing humanitarian aid to tens of millions of hungry men, women, and children confronted, on distant shores, by war, terrorism, and natural cataclysms and the resulting threat—if not the reality—of famine and death. The book investigates the little-known, not well-understood, and often highly contentious political processes that have converted fields of grains, crops of pulses, and herds of livestock into the tools of U.S. government policy.


MANUSYA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223
Author(s):  
Ratiwan Watanasin

As food has a substantial cultural and economic value, globalization and the Internet have posed challenges to traditional culture. As previous research on Thai food has focused on recipes and the consumption behavior of the royal family and upper-class Thai citizens, this study therefore aims to investigate the Thai food culture of ordinary Thais before the proliferation of a foreign food culture. Senior citizens from diverse socio-economic backgrounds in central Thailand who witnessed two major cultural encounters, specifically World War ii and the Vietnam War, were interviewed until full data was obtained. Content analysis within the guidelines of consumer behavior analysis was conducted. The findings confirm that central food culture has been passed down over generations and has become firmly established. Unless there has been convenient access to provincial centers, then, food from other regions has seldom been consumed. Also, before globalization, acculturation with foreign foods was barely noticeable. Overall, a key driver of this acculturation was so-called “food availability”.


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