Water, Power, and the Andean City: Situating Guayaquil

Author(s):  
Erik Swyngedouw

There is no aggregate shortage of water in Latin America. The Amazon’s output into the Atlantic Ocean is about 150,000 cubic metres per second and a whole host of smaller rivers—the Magdalena, Orinoco, San Francisco, Uruguay, and Usumacinta rivers, to name but a few—all carry more than 1,000m3/sec of water into the ocean at their outlets. In contrast, Buenos Aires, Mexico City, and São Paulo, the three largest cities in Latin America, consume around 50 to 80m3/second, clearly a very small amount when compared to total available regional water resources (Anton 1993: 163). However, Mexico City is situated in an extremely water-scarce area, and other cities such as São Paulo, Brasilia, Guatemala City, Quito, and Bogota are located far from plentiful sources of water. Elsewhere, though, large cities and abundant water sources are in close proximity, yet large parts of their population still suffer from a lack of clean, cheap, and convenient water, a situation of scarcity in the midst of abundance. This chapter will examine the problems faced by the urban poor in Latin America in accessing potable water, and will examine the problems associated with its delivery. Although it contains some very arid areas such as the Atacama Desert, Latin America is a humid region. Until recently, water was regarded as an abundant resource, and justifiably so: Latin America’s annual precipitation is 60% above the world average and the average annual run-off of 370,000m3 is 30% of the world total (Biswas 1979: 16). A glance at water consumption levels in Latin American cities indicates no aggregate shortage of water. Table 3.1 suggests that average daily water consumption in Latin America’s big cities is comparable with that of cities in the developed world, and significantly higher than is the case in African and some Asian cities. Given that the very minimum amount of water deemed necessary to sustain life has been estimated at 5 litres per capita per day (LCD) (World Bank 1976), and that under most circumstances 30/40 LCD is deemed sufficient for a reasonable level of personal and community health (Kirke and Arthur 1987: 125), even the city with the lowest consumption level would appear to have a plentiful supply of water.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Melina Meimaridis ◽  
◽  
Daniela Mazur ◽  
Daniel Rios ◽  
◽  
...  

Aiming to examine Netflix’s strategies in its global expansion and based on the debates on the transnationalization of tv flows, we observe the platform’s presence in two peripheral markets: Brazil and South Korea. In both, we find similar tactics, such as the licensing and commissioning of local content and partnerships with national production companies. Although we identified a recent shift in the company’s strategies from Latin America towards the Asian market, we argue that it is imperative to deconstruct Netflix’s position as a mediator of narratives to and from the “rest of the world”.


Author(s):  
PEDRO HENRIQUE CAMPELLO TORRES ◽  
RUTH FERREIRA RAMOS ◽  
LEANDRA REGINA GONÇALVES

Abstract The objective of this paper is to analyze two cases of environmental conflicts in the region of Macrometropolis Paulista related to territorial development on the installation of large logistics enterprises, seeing how they fit into the logic of planning and vision of the state as well as the reactions of civil society to impacts that such projects bring with them. In Latin America, the urbanization process from the second half of the twentieth century produced the formation of large cities such as São Paulo, Mexico City and Santiago, for example. From the 2000s, a new urban phenomenon has received attention of planners and researchers: the urban territorial expansion of the metropolis and the formation of this territory as a city-region. The question here is how this metropolitan expansion is related to natural resources and the tensions inherent in the contemporary production process space.


2008 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 796-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle L Bell ◽  
Marie S O’Neill ◽  
Nalini Ranjit ◽  
Victor H Borja-Aburto ◽  
Luis A Cifuentes ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Amaku ◽  
Dimas Tadeu Covas ◽  
Francisco Antonio Bezerra Coutinho ◽  
Raymundo Soares Azevedo ◽  
Eduardo Massad

Abstract Background At the moment we have more than 177 million cases and 3.8 million deaths (as of June 2021) around the world and vaccination represents the only hope to control the pandemic. Imperfections in planning vaccine acquisition and difficulties in implementing distribution among the population, however, have hampered the control of the virus so far. Methods We propose a new mathematical model to estimate the impact of vaccination delay against the 2019 coronavirus disease (COVID-19) on the number of cases and deaths due to the disease in Brazil. We apply the model to Brazil as a whole and to the State of Sao Paulo, the most affected by COVID-19 in Brazil. We simulated the model for the populations of the State of Sao Paulo and Brazil as a whole, varying the scenarios related to vaccine efficacy and compliance from the populations. Results The model projects that, in the absence of vaccination, almost 170 thousand deaths and more than 350 thousand deaths will occur by the end of 2021 for Sao Paulo and Brazil, respectively. If in contrast, Sao Paulo and Brazil had enough vaccine supply and so started a vaccination campaign in January with the maximum vaccination rate, compliance and efficacy, they could have averted more than 112 thousand deaths and 127 thousand deaths, respectively. In addition, for each month of delay the number of deaths increases monotonically in a logarithmic fashion, for both the State of Sao Paulo and Brazil as a whole. Conclusions Our model shows that the current delay in the vaccination schedules that is observed in many countries has serious consequences in terms of mortality by the disease and should serve as an alert to health authorities to speed the process up such that the highest number of people to be immunized is reached in the shortest period of time.


Lupus ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
WH Chahade ◽  
EI Sato ◽  
JE Moura ◽  
Ltl Costallat ◽  
Lec Andrade

2020 ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Camila D’Ottaviano ◽  
Suzana Pasternak ◽  
Jorge Bassani ◽  
Caio Santo Amore
Keyword(s):  

1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Wood

After the military took power in Brazil in 1964, the government adopted a wide range of policies designed to stimulate economic growth. A central aspect of the Brazilian model of development was the control of wages. From 1964 to 1975 this strategy caused the purchasing power of the minimum wage in the city of São Paulo to fall. The decline in the real wage index was associated with a rise in infant mortality during the period. When real wages rose after 1974, the death rate dropped off. The infant mortality trend cannot be explained by other factors that affect the actual or the reported death rate, such as changes in cityward migration, shifts in the distribution of income, and improvements in the quality of vital statistics. The findings of this study indicate a causal relationship between the infant mortality trend and changes in the purchasing power of the urban poor. Additional data on nutrition, changes in household behavior, and shifts in the cause structure of mortality support this conclusion.


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