Germany

Author(s):  
Ina Kraft

This chapter provides an analysis of the changes that German defence has undergone since 1990. Two developments shaped German defence after the end of the cold war: First, the German armed forces changed owing to a radical downsizing, the end of conscription, and the modernization of equipment. Secondly, the style of German defence policy changed from reactive and norm-based in the 1990s to assertive, interest-based, and executive in the 2010s. The culture of military restraint—for decades a characteristic trait of German defence—waned. German military deployments abroad became more frequent and more serious. The leadership position Germany had taken in Europe during the Euro crisis and during the Ukraine conflict, as well as a domestic window of opportunity stemming from a favourable majority for the government parties in the parliament, serve as explanations for a more assured formulation of national security interests.

The armed forces of Europe have undergone a dramatic transformation since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The Handbook of European Defence Policies and Armed Forces provides the first comprehensive analysis of national security and defence policies, strategies, doctrines, capabilities, and military operations, as well as the alliances and partnerships of European armed forces in response to the security challenges Europe has faced since the end of the cold war. A truly cross-European comparison of the evolution of national defence policies and armed forces remains a notable blind spot in the existing literature. This Handbook aims to fill this gap with fifty-one contributions on European defence and international security from around the world. The six parts focus on: country-based assessments of the evolution of the national defence policies of Europe’s major, medium, and lesser powers since the end of the cold war; the alliances and security partnerships developed by European states to cooperate in the provision of national security; the security challenges faced by European states and their armed forces, ranging from interstate through intra-state and transnational; the national security strategies and doctrines developed in response to these challenges; the military capabilities, and the underlying defence and technological industrial base, brought to bear to support national strategies and doctrines; and, finally, the national or multilateral military operations by European armed forces. The contributions to The Handbook collectively demonstrate the fruitfulness of giving analytical precedence back to the comparative study of national defence policies and armed forces across Europe.


Author(s):  
Beverley Hooper

From the early 1970s, the US-China relationship was central to diplomatic reporting, with National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger’s visit to Peking in October 1971, President Nixon’s historic visit in February 1972, and the establishment the following year of small liaison offices in Peking and Washington. Following each of Kissinger’s further visits in 1973 and 1974, senior diplomats virtually queued up at the liaison office to find out what progress, if any, had been made towards the normalization of US-China relations. Peking’s diplomats, like some of their colleagues elsewhere in the world, did not always see eye-to-eye with their foreign ministries. There was little chance of their becoming overly attached to Communist China, as the Japanologists and Arabists were sometimes accused of doing for Japan and Arab countries. At the same time, living and breathing the PRC led some diplomats to regard Chinese Communism as being rather more nuanced—and the government somewhat less belligerent—than the Cold War images portrayed in the West, particularly the United States.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 378-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugo Meijer ◽  
Marco Wyss

Since the end of the Cold War, the study of European defence has been dominated by a ‘Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP)-centric’ approach, while largely neglecting the comparative analysis of national defence policies. This article makes a conceptual and empirical case for turning the dominant research prism of European defence studies upside down by returning the analytical precedence to the national level. This approach privileges the comparative analysis of national defence policies and armed forces, before focusing on the trans-/supra-national level. The case for this analytical turn is made in three steps. Firstly, it addresses the different historical stages in European defence integration and the transformation of national armed forces and thereby brings to light the recent renationalization of defence in Europe. Secondly, it questions the predominance of the CSDP in the scholarly literature on European defence. Finally, it seeks to demonstrate the fruitfulness of such a démarche by empirically substantiating common patterns and intra-European divergences in the evolution of national defence policies and armed forces since the end of the Cold War. After having shown the need and added benefit of turning the analytical lense of European defence studies on its head, the conclusion suggests future avenues of research on national defence policies and armed forces in Europe.


Author(s):  
Acar Kutay

The continued influence of the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) on politics characterized the political history of the Turkish Republic, until such influence was first bridled and then ultimately broken by the Justice and Development Party governments during the 2000s. When the new regime was established in 1923, the military identified itself with its founding ideology, namely Kemalism, which was built on the ideas of modernism, secularism, and nationalism. Because the TAF assumed the roles of guardian of the regime and vanguard of modernization, any threat to the foundational values and norms of the republican regime was considered by the military as a threat to the constitutional order and national security. As a self-authorized guardian of the regime and its values, the TAF characterized itself as a non-partisan institution. The military appealed to such identity to justify the superiority of the moral and epistemological foundations of their understanding of politics compared with that of the elected politicians. The military invoked such superiority not only to intervene in politics and take power (1960, 1971, 1980, 1997, and 2007). They also used such identity to monitor and control political processes by means of the National Security Council (established after the 1960 military intervention) and by more informal means such as mobilizing the public against the elected government’s policy choices. In the context of the Cold War, domestic turmoil and lasting political polarization helped legitimate the military’s control over security issues until the 1980s. After the end of the Cold War, two threats to national security drew the TAF into politics: the rising power of Islamic movements and the separatist terrorism of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which posed threats to the constitutional order. Turkey’s EU membership bid is one of the most important aspects that bridled the influence of the TAF on politics. Whereas the democratic oversight of the military and security sector constituted a significant dimension of the EU reforms, events that took place around the nomination of the Justice and Development Party’s candidate, Abdullah Gül, for the presidency created a rupture in the role and influence of the military on politics. Two juristic cases against members of the TAF in 2008 and 2010 made a massive impact on the power of the military, before the ultimate supremacy of the political sphere was established after the coup attempt organized by the Gülenist officers who infiltrated the TAF during the 2000s.


Author(s):  
Anders Wivel

Military activism is a defining characteristic of Denmark’s security and defence policy. This policy reflects the combination of increased international demand for military engagement since the end of the Cold War and the ability and willingness of Danish decision-makers to meet this demand. Danish willingness is the result of a merger of two distinct Danish perspectives on the aims and means of security and defence policy of a small state, one focused on the short-term military defence of the country, the other on long-term diplomatic efforts at creating a more peaceful international order. In the eyes of Danish decision-makers, a changed security order after the Cold War collapsed the distinction between the two perspectives. They saw military activism as a route to short-term security as well as a more peaceful order in the future. Consequently, they reformed the Danish armed forces, giving up territorial defence in favour of expeditionary forces. However, defence expenditure remains well below the 2 per cent NATO threshold for the near future.


Author(s):  
Andreas Hauptmann Kaiser

V članku je predstavljen kratek zgodovinski pregled gorskih enot nemških oboroženih sil. Opisan je njihov razvoj od začetkov, ko so delovale kot specializirane enote pehote, prek obdobja obeh vojn in hladne vojne do današnjega položaja v kompleksnem in večdimenzionalnem bojevanju. Na kratko so predstavljene tudi posebne kompetence pripadnikov teh enot, v nadaljevanju pa avtor predstavi še trenutno opremo in strukturo gorskih enot ter njihove sedanje zmogljivosti. Članek ponuja tudi kratek pregled sodelovanja enot in njihovih pripadnikov na mednarodnih misijah, na katerih nemške oborožene sile sodelujejo. Na koncu je predstavljena vaja brigadne ravni Edelweiss 2015 kot primer izzivov, s katerimi se srečujejo nemška kopenska vojska in njene gorske enote v okolju kompleksnega in večdimenzionalnega bojevanja. The article provides a short historical overview about the German Armed Forces Mountain Troops. It describes the development from its beginnings as specialized infantry through two World Wars and the cold war era until today’s situation in a complex and multidimensional warfighting environment. In addition, a short view into some specific qualifications of the Mountain Troops is given. Furthermore, it highlights the current equipment and structure to show the present capability profile of the German Armed Forces Mountain Troops. Moreover, the article gives a short overview of the participation of units and soldiers in international missions, the German military was and is involved in. Finally, the Brigade Battle Exercise EDELWEISS2015 is presented as an illustration of the challenges the German Army and its Mountain Forces have to face in the afore mentioned complex and multidimensional warfighting environment.


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