The Utopian Imagination

2020 ◽  
pp. 215-238
Author(s):  
Sudhir Hazareesingh

This chapter examines the French tradition of radical republicanism, from the late Enlightenment to the twentieth century. Radical republicanism was a loose ensemble, especially driven by its prioritization of equality over liberty, its commitment to resisting political and social oppression, and its utopian aspiration to imagine a better world. While it expressed itself in different sensibilities, through its embrace of Rousseauism, this republican tradition was united by a common attachment to key ideals of the radical Enlightenment: the concept of the sovereignty of the people, the idea of the general will as the inalienable foundation of the political order, the belief in the human capacity for regeneration, the vision of citizenship based on the practice of the virtues and the rejection of tyranny, and the universal sense that all humans were bound by a sense of fraternity.

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-168
Author(s):  
Kevin Duong

This conclusion reviews the importance of studying redemptive violence in nineteenth century France in light of the political history of the twentieth century. It argues that, despite the increased intensity of violence in the twentieth century, a study of redemptive violence in the nineteenth century is still important for us today. That is because it emphasizes that all democratic revolutions are social revolutions. All democratic revolutions pose the problem of reconstructing democratic social bonds. Redemptive violence’s history underscores that fraternité was always as important as liberty and equality in the French tradition. Critics of fraternité today ignore the importance of democratic solidarity at their peril.


Daedalus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 141 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurence H. Tribe

America has always been a wonderfully diverse place, a country where billions of stories spanning centuries and continents converge under the rubric of a Constitution that unites them in an ongoing narrative of national self-creation. Rather than rehearse familiar debates over what our Constitution means, this essay explores what the Constitution does. It treats the Constitution as a verb – a creative and contested practice that yields a trans-generational conversation about the meaning of our past, the imperatives of our present, and the values and aspirations that should point us toward our future. And it meditates on how this practice, drawing deeply on the capacious wellsprings of text and history, simultaneously reinforces the political order and provides a language for challenging its legitimacy, thereby constituting us as “We, the People,” joined in a single project framed centuries ago that nevertheless remains inevitably our own.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
CAROLIEN STOLTE

AbstractThis paper traces a set of interlinked Asianist networks through the activities of Mahendra Pratap, an Indian revolutionary exile who spent the majority of his life at various key anti-imperialist sites in Asia. Pratap envisioned a unified Asia free from colonial powers, but should be regarded as an anti-imperialist first and a nationalist second—he was convinced that India's independence would materialize naturally as a by-product of a federated Asia. Through forging strategic alliances in places as diverse as Moscow, Kabul, and Tokyo, he sought to achieve his goal of a united ‘Pan-Asia’. In his view, Pan-Asia would be the first step towards a world federation, in which all the continents would become provinces in a new world order. His thought was an intricate patchwork of internationalist ideas circulating in the opening decades of the twentieth century, and his travels and political activities are viewed in this context. Pratap's exploration of the relationship between the local, the regional, and the global, from an Asian perspective, was one of many ways in which Asian elites and non-elites challenged the legitimacy of the political order in the interwar years.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Or Rosenboim

Abstract This article concerns the conceptualization of political spaces in early twentieth-century European political thought. The main figure is the Italian geographer and political thinker Cesare Battisti (1875–1916). Drawing on his geographical knowledge of his native region of Trentino, then in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Battisti envisioned an alternative political order in Central Europe. In a series of geographical surveys and political essays, he described his idea of the region as a meaningful political space, that could become an alternative to both empire and nation-state as part of a continental democratic federation. The article argues that through this new spatial conceptualization of region and federation, Battisti sought to reinterpret the political categories of authority and community. The article examines Battisti's ideas in their historical and intellectual context, arguing that he offers original insights on the evolution of European international and regional thought in the twentieth century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
Karlygash SHARIPOVA ◽  

The author of the article shares information about the methodology of Akhmet Baitursynov – the largest person who occupies a special place in the political and cultural life of the Kazakh society in the first decades of the twentieth century. Ahmet Baitursynuly is the spiritual leader of his people, a wise son who "sows the seeds of honesty". He is a co-owner who has worked for one institute or a dozen authors to date. In particular, Akhmet Baitursynuly is a reformer who created a national script for six million Kazakhs of that period, a public figure who made efforts to teach Kazakh children in their native languages, the author of "alphabets", textbooks for teaching children the Kazakh language in national schools, a linguist who laid the foundation of the national science-Kazakh linguistics; the first scientist-philologist, representing the theory of Kazakh literary studies, the first scientist-culturologist, researcher of the history of the culture of the people, teacher-innovator, presenting the methodology of teaching the native language in a new way, one of the organizers of Kazakh science, one of the first professors of the Kazakh language and literature, who laid the foundation of our national Academy today. The main of these names is the art critic of the Kazakh word, the art critic of the Kazakh language.


Author(s):  
Jan-Melissa Schramm

This chapter traces the rediscovery of the medieval mystery plays which had been suppressed at the Reformation. The texts were painstakingly recovered, edited, and published in the first half of the nineteenth century, by medieval scholars but also by radicals like William Hone who were keen to emphasize the political value of expanding the literary canon. At the start of the nineteenth century, then, vernacular devotional drama was largely unknown; by the 1850s, the genre had been accorded a place in an evolutionary design that privileged the achievements of Shakespeare, and by the early twentieth century, performance was finally countenanced, albeit under the watchful eye of the Lord Chamberlain. This is a narrative of recuperation but also of misunderstanding, as the mystery plays were also positioned as comic burlesque and farce in constructions of the literary canon which stressed the aesthetic and religious superiority of the Protestant present.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Bieletto-Bueno

Amparo Ochoa (29 September 1946‐7 February 1994) is widely acclaimed as one the most outstanding and versatile performers of the Mexican Canto Nuevo movement. The sympathy that Amparo Ochoa awoke among Mexican and Latin American audiences has been tacitly attributed to a sort of natural charm. Therefore, a supposedly ‘popular’ character within her voice has been substantiated as a result of the political message of the songs she interpreted as well as of the forums where she publicly appeared. Complementing the reiterative focus on either the political context or the discursive elements of the Canto Nuevo, this paper historicizes Ochoa’s trajectory, problematizing notions of ‘the people’ in order to dissect ‘the popular’ within her voice. The main claim is that the general reception of her voice as the voice of ‘the people’ is grounded on firm vocal traditions of turn of the twentieth century Mexican musical theatre, which lingered to the twentieth century but which were recontextualized during the Latin American Cold War. Due to its subjective impact on the listener, these vocal strategies made audiences subjectify notions of ‘el pueblo’ and thus garner sympathies for the movements that opposed dictatorial regimes during the 1970s and 1980s. Such an approach of her voice contributes to assess the role of music and song in the ideological and political projects that framed them as well as to question the affective impact of voice in the listener’s subjectivity.


2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-149
Author(s):  
Max Kaase

With the 1989 eclipse of communist ideology and power in Central and Eastern Europe, the political order of democracy has, on the one hand, proved to be the superior way of organizing a society where in politics the pluralist interests of the people can be articulated and represented freely without fear of repression through competitive elections and otherwise, and where particularly through the operation of market mechanisms citizens are furnished with reasonably satisfactory economic circumstances to conduct their everyday lives. On the other hand, quite different from what many contemporary observers had anticipated, liberal democracy has been subjected to closer and closer critical internal scrutiny, and with this also alternate conceptions of how to organize a democratic polity are now more than before a matter of debate and controversy.


1986 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Brass

In the summer of 1966, Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh provinces in India experienced one of the worst and most widespread droughts and crop failures in the history of the region during the twentieth century. Massive local, national, and international relief efforts were provided to prevent death by starvation on an immense scale. Nevertheless, the seriousness of the situation was only gradually and reluctantly accepted by the agencies, institutions, and governments that were ultimately involved in the relief effort. In order to convey the seriousness of the situation to those in a position to help the people of Bihar, local, state, and national politicians adopted a rhetoric that involved defining the situation as a “crisis” of unprecedented proportions. The Bihar Famine of 1966–1967 illustrates the importance of rhetoric and political definitions in distinguishing crises from “normal” situations and in defining the quantity, timing, and recipients of relief.


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