The EU Commission

Author(s):  
Vivien A. Schmidt

Chapter 7 discusses the Commission’s pathway to legitimacy, as it moved from a rigid interpretation of the “one size fits all” rules of the European Semester to an increasingly flexible one. The chapter begins by analyzing the Commission’s powers, diminished by the Council’s increase in intergovernmental decision-making but enhanced by its ever-growing oversight responsibilities and discretionary authority, and its quandaries with regard to throughput legitimacy. These stem from the countervailing pressures from Northern Europe calling for more rigid rules application, and from Southern Europe calling for greater flexibility. Such pressures also contributed to Commission politicization, starting with Council appointment of José Manuel Barroso as Commission President in line with his political “color” and culminating with the Spitzenkandidat, Jean-Claude Juncker, and his self-declared “political” Commission. The chapter follows with a discussion of the Janus-faced public perceptions of the Commission in Eurozone crisis governance as “ayatollahs of austerity” or “Ministers of Moderation.” During the fast-burning crisis, the Commission appeared ayatollah-like in its rigid approach to governing by the rules and numbers that it had itself proposed to the Council. But as the crisis slowed, the Commission ministered greater moderation, with the Barroso Commission reinterpreting the rules while denying it, and the Juncker Commission fully admitting to its greater flexibility. The exception was the Commission’s Ayatollah-like stance in the Troika (as the voice of the Eurogroup). The chapter closes with a discussion of the deleterious impact of the European Semester on national sovereignty and democracy, in particular with regard to the Commission’s national budgetary oversight.

Author(s):  
Amandine Garde

This chapter focuses on the extent to which the European Union's (EU) and its Member States have addressed the growing rates of non–communicable diseases (NCDs) through the development and implementation of effective prevention policies. After discussing the powers that the EU derives from the EU Treaties to address the main commercial determinants of health through the adoption of EU–wide harmonizing rules, it compares the EU regulatory response to tobacco on the one hand, and unhealthy diets and alcohol on the other. It then reflects on the role that the EU Court of Justice has played in the prevention of NCDs in Europe, before concluding with a few remarks on what the future may hold in this policy area now that the new EU Commission in post has announced its ‘Beating Cancer Plan’ and its ‘Farm to Fork Strategy’.


2020 ◽  

The primary goal of this book is to trace the European Commission’s strategies of dealing with the politicisation of EU legislation. In a case study on President Jean-Claude Juncker's term of office, the authors of this volume analyse how the EU Commission set and advanced certain political priorities between 2014 and 2019. The analysis focuses on the ten political priorities which the Juncker Commission retained in all of its annual work programmes from its inception onwards, starting with its self-proclaimed role as a ‘political commission’. However, this study’s assessment of the ‘politicisation’ of integration policy is ambiguous: On the one hand, the Juncker Commission deliberately adopted politicised issues and tried to use them as opportunities for political leadership as well as to hone its own institutional profile. On the other hand, controversies and crises repeatedly forced the EU Commission to resort to damage control. With contributions by Matthieu Bertrand, Christoph Bierbrauer, Grigoriani Bougatsa, Sarah Gansen, Sanni Kunnas, Andreas Marchetti, Katarzyna Nowicka, Thomas Panayotopoulos, Dominique Roch, Martin Selmayr, Katherine Simpson, Robert Stüwe, Henri De Waele, Liska Wittenberg.


2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 375-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Evar

This research note discusses risk perceptions of CO2 storage from a cultural theory perspective. Data for consideration is drawn from several publications by key stakeholders in the CO2 storage risk debate, as well as studies of (lay) public perceptions of risk. Two strands of further research are proposed based on the data, and a claim is made that publications from one stakeholder, the EU Commission, strongly indicate a risk framing that conforms to the hierarchical typology within cultural theory. Suggestions are made for more detailed fieldwork to confirm this finding and to investigate the research questions further.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-612
Author(s):  
Alexandre Biard

Mass harm situations caused by corporate misbehaviour, defective products, harmful pharmaceuticals, accidents or environmental disasters nowadays multiply and create new challenges for legal actors and society at large. In its 2013 Recommendations, the EU Commission highlighted that ‘a key role should be given to courts in protecting the rights and interests of all the parties involved in collective redress actions as well as in managing the collective redress actions effectively’. The role of judges therefore turns out to be essential: they are expected to behave as watchdogs scrutinizing the overall admissibility of mass claims, as active case managers ensuring that cases make orderly progress, and as shepherds ensuring that all interests at stake are sufficiently protected. A key issue to be explored remains the influence of the mass context on decision-making which may potentially lead judges to depart from policy makers’ expectations. Interestingly, the mass context is nowadays an element often discarded by judges themselves. Yet, in the context of mass litigation, cases involve and consolidate in one lawsuit hundreds of represented claimants who have suffered a similar harm. The magnitude of the case - that is the number of people involved and/or the size of the loss at stake – is therefore likely to be considerable. Even though judges discuss and exchange with a limited number of protagonists during hearings – e.g. with representative bodies such as associations or leading counsels – judges must preserve the interests of absent parties. Behavioural studies have shed important light on ways groups are perceived by external observers, and on the impact of number and size on information processing. By investigating in greater details the effects associated with the case magnitude on decision-making, this paper aims at providing an alternative viewpoint on the issue of collective redress which will be of particular interest for courts and regulators at both national and European levels.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camille Kelbel ◽  
Virginie Van Ingelgom ◽  
Soetkin Verhaegen

While European elections are often seen as remote from EU issues, considerations specifically linked to the EU came to the forefront in the wake of the 2014 European elections: the economic and financial crisis, the new process of designation of the European Commission President, and the alleged increase of Eurosceptic votes. This increased salience of political debates about the EU asks for a reconsideration of the ‘second-order nature’ of European elections. In this context, as in 2009, the Belgian electorate voted for the regional and European levels on the very same day. Belgian voters were thus offered the opportunity to split their ticket between both levels. This allows comparing the occurrence and determinants of these ‘immediate switching’ behaviours in 2014 with those of the presumably less politicized EP elections in 2009. We do that by employing the 2009 and 2014 PartiRep Election Study data. On the one hand, the article shows that split-ticket voting cannot be explained by economic voting, European identity, and attitudes towards integration in 2014. On the other hand, the unique configuration of the Belgian elections enables us to observe that the introduction of Spitzenkandidaten did enhance split-ticket voting for voters who could directly vote for this candidate (in Flanders), while this did not increase split-ticket voting among voters who could only indirectly support the candidate (in Wallonia).


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-27
Author(s):  
Lucas Schramm

Over the last decade, the European Union (EU) has faced a multitude of crises. Importantly, the various crises have led to different outcomes: Whereas the Eurozone crisis, for example, led to more European integration, the Schengen crisis arguably resulted in a partial European disintegration. Applying models of joint-decision problems in the EU, this paper analyses why and how these two crises led to divergent outcomes. It finds that higher levels of functional pressures, higher capacities of supranational agency, and more room for package deals enabled the EU to exit from joint-decision problems in the Eurozone crisis, whereas these and other potential exit mechanisms were widely unavailable in the Schengen crisis. Looking explicitly at the (missing) availability of exit mechanisms from joint-decision problems, this paper goes beyond the application of the usual European integration theories, which struggle to explain the variation in crisis outcomes. Furthermore, the paper makes a contribution to the more recent academic discussions on European integration/ disintegration, on the one hand, and the legitimacy-effectiveness gap, on the other hand.


TEKNOSASTIK ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Dina Amelia

There are two most inevitable issues on national literature, in this case Indonesian literature. First is the translation and the second is the standard of world literature. Can one speak for the other as a representative? Why is this representation matter? Does translation embody the voice of the represented? Without translation Indonesian literature cannot gain its recognition in world literature, yet, translation conveys the voice of other. In the case of production, publication, or distribution of Indonesian Literature to the world, translation works can be very beneficial. The position of Indonesian literature is as a part of world literature. The concept that the Western world should be the one who represent the subaltern can be overcome as long as the subaltern performs as the active speaker. If the subaltern remains silent then it means it allows the “representation” by the Western.


Author(s):  
Lubos SMUTKA ◽  
Irena BENEŠOVÁ ◽  
Patrik ROVNÝ ◽  
Renata MATYSIK-PEJAS

Sugar is one of the most important elements in human nutrition. The Common Market Organisation for sugar has been a subject of considerable debate since its establishment in 1968. The European agricultural market has been criticized for its heavy regulations and subsidization. The sugar market is one of the most regulated ones; however, this will change radically in 2017 when the current system of production quotas will end. The current EU sugar market changed is structure during the last several decades. The significant number of companies left the market and EU internal sugar market became more concentrated. The aim of this paper is presentation characteristics of sugar market with respect to the supposed market failure – reduction in competition. The analysis also identifies the main drivers and determinants of the EU especially quota sugar market. In relation to paper’s aim the following results are important. The present conditions of the European sugar market have led to market failure when nearly 75 % (10 million tonnes) of the quota is controlled by five multinational companies only. These multinational alliances (especially German and French one) are also taking control over the production capacities of their subsidiaries. In most countries, this causes serious problems as the given quota is controlled by one or two producers only. This is a significant indicator of market imperfection. The quota system cannot overcome the problem of production quotas on the one hand and the demand on the other; furthermore, it also leads to economic inefficiency. The current EU sugar market is under the control of only Sudzucker, Nordzucker, Pfeifer and Langen, Tereos and ABF.


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