The Birth of Modern Political Satire

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith McNeill Hale
Keyword(s):  
Historical Narratives ◽  
Political Satire ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Text And Image ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Milieu ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

This book documents one of the most important moments in the history of printed political imagery, when the political print became what we would recognize as modern political satire. Contrary to conventional historical and art-historical narratives, which place the emergence of political satire in the news-driven coffee-house culture of eighteenth-century London, this study locates the birth of the genre in the late seventeenth-century Netherlands in the contentious political milieu surrounding William III’s invasion of England known as the ‘Glorious Revolution’. The satires produced between 1688 and 1690 by the Dutch printmaker Romeyn de Hooghe (1645–1708) on the events surrounding William III’s campaigns against James II and Louis XIV establish many of the qualities that define the genre to this day: the transgression of bodily boundaries; the interdependence of text and image; the centrality of dialogic text to the generation of meaning; serialized production; and the emergence of the satirist as a primary participant in political discourse. This study, the first in-depth analysis of De Hooghe’s satires since the nineteenth century, considers these prints as sites of cultural influence and negotiation, works that both reflected and helped to construct a new relationship between the government and the governed.

Satires on Foreign Subjects

2020 ◽  
pp. 66-120
Author(s):  
Meredith McNeill Hale
Keyword(s):  
Political Satire ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
Interpretive Analysis ◽  
Military Campaigns ◽  
William Iii ◽  
The Glorious Revolution ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
First Time

This chapter examines seven of De Hooghe’s eighteen satires on the events surrounding William III’s invasion of England and associated diplomatic and military campaigns. These satires, which were produced between the autumn of 1688 and summer of 1690, followed the events of the Glorious Revolution as they unfolded and represent not only key political-historical events but also the development of De Hooghe’s satirical strategies. William III is featured as the sober and valiant defender of Protestantism against the Catholic kings, James II and Louis XIV, who appear as a darkly comic duo, misguided adherents of a primitive religion committed only to their own aggrandizement. This discussion examines the iconography of the foreign satires, providing detailed interpretive analysis and translation of many of the texts into English for the first time. It will be demonstrated that De Hooghe responded almost immediately to the rapid unfolding of events that constituted the Glorious Revolution, highlighting the need to consider them in terms of the speed with which they were produced and their serial nature. It is often possible to determine the month in which a satire was made and, in certain cases, the timeframe can be narrowed to weeks. This dramatic imbrication in a particular historical moment is characteristic of political satire to this day.

Party and the Augustan Constitution, 1694-1716: Politics and the Power of the Executive

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.

The ‘Three Glorious Days’: The Revolution of 1830 in Provincial France

1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Pilbeam
Keyword(s):  
Complete Analysis ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
Napoleon Bonaparte ◽  
Revolutionary Violence ◽  
Regular Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
Local Impact ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Of State ◽  
The Revolution

France has always envied Paris. A popular interpretation of the history of France has been of conflict between the capital and the provinces in which Paris was the victor, at least from the establishment of the system of intendants by Louis XIV in the late seventeenth century. Radical Paris took the lead in the revolutionary upheavals of the 1790s, in 1830, 1848 and 1870–1. The conflict of the 1790s produced civil and foreign war and led to an even greater domination by Paris through the centralizing policies of Napoleon Bonaparte as military dictator. Under his rule and subsequently, all officials - civil, judicial, military, religious and educational - were appointed by the government in Paris. The Council of State was a corner-stone of this policy in the capital, the departmental prefect in the provinces. In 1830 the results of the July Days were acceptable on the whole to the French; but in 1848 provincial France roundly rejected the radical social revolution favoured by intellectuals and artisans in Paris; in 1871 the Commune of Paris was virtually isolated in its decentralizing and social-reforming ambitions and suffered bloody defeat at the hands of the regular army. Apparently, then, 1830 was the last, and perhaps only, time in the nineteenth century that ‘Paris led, France followed.’ Was 1830 so unique, and if so, why? The Revolution of 1830 was unquestionably Parisian, in that events in the capital determined the timing and location of acts of significant revolutionary violence and in that the major political and administrative changes which followed the revolution were enacted in Paris. Should one therefore assume that the provinces were passive, that they had little impact on events? This revolution may neatly illustrate the success with which Louis XIV, Napoleon and others had centralized France, but that conclusion needs to be based on evidence, not assumption. The most recent complete analysis of the revolution concentrated on Paris, but also delineated some aspects of provincial unrest in 1830, making use of the local studies written for the centenary of the revolution. Some provincial and departmental histories describe the events of 1830 and their local impact.

The Exiled Court of James II and James III: A Centre of Italian Music in France, 1689–1712

1995 ◽  
Vol 120 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward T. Corp
Keyword(s):  
British Government ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
Italian Music ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

Following the Glorious Revolution of 1688–9, James II and the Stuart royal family lived in exile as the guests of Louis XIV at the Château de St-Germain-en-Laye, near Paris. James II died in 1701 and was succeeded as king-in-exile by his son, James III. The court of these two kings remained at St-Germain-en-Laye for well over 20 years, until James III was expelled from France at the demand of the British government.

A Long Path toward Reconciliation and Accountability: A Truth and Reconciliation Commission and a Special Chamber for Burundi?

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matteo Crippa
Keyword(s):  
Truth And Reconciliation Commission ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Consultation Process ◽  
Reconciliation Commission ◽  
Truth And Reconciliation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Accountability Mechanism ◽  
Political Milieu ◽  
The Government ◽  
Dual Mechanism

The recent history of Burundi is characterized by cyclical ethnic strife between the Hutu majority, comprising approximately 85 per cent of the population, and the Tutsi. A peace agreement was signed in 2000, and in 2005 the UN recommended the establishment of a dual mechanism, namely a non-judicial accountability mechanism in the form of a truth commission, and a judicial accountability mechanism in the form of a special chamber. Little progress toward their establishment was achieved, however, with the process stalled by outbreaks of violence and the country’s fragmented political milieu. In 2011, significant momentum has been gained with the completion of a country-wide consultation process and the resumption of negotiations between the government and the UN. Building upon these developments, this article reviews the architecture of the proposed mechanism and sets forth various considerations for the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Special Chamber for Burundi.

scholarly journals Teaching History of Bravery and the Politics of Textbooks in Nepal: A Critical Discourse Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 24-36
Author(s):  
Saroj G.C.
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
Government School ◽  
Teaching History ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Historical Accounts ◽  
The Cost

This paper examines a saga of the brave history of Nepal which has often been part and parcel of school education in Nepal. The brave history in the textbooks has been treated as a means of enlightenment and a catalyst to cultivate national character. On close inspection, however, teaching history embarks a political enterprise – an articulation of interest to shape the idea of the citizenry. Using the method of critical discourse analysis and post-historicist ideas, this paper takes historical accounts attributed to three pillars of the national narrative of brave history – Bhimsen Thapa, Balbhadra Kunwar, and Prithvi Narayan Shah, as depicted in the government school textbooks for analysis. The paper examines how the history of bravery has been negotiated and maintained as a comfortable and simplistic narrative at the cost of teaching history more critically in order to inform students and examine emerging questions about the national heroes by excluding the other side of historical narratives. Finally, this paper proposes education at any level cannot be taken as value-neutral, and history should be studied historically.

scholarly journals ALL THE KING’S MAN»: MILITIA IN THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND DURING THE STUART AGE

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 90-97
Author(s):  
D.O. Gordienko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Charles I ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Regular Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

The article presents the results of a study devoted to the history of the British armed forces in the “long” 17th century. The militia was the backbone of England's national military system. The author examines the aspects of the development of the institutions of the modern state during the reign of the Stuart dynasty, traces the process of the development of the militia and the formation of the regular army. He reveals the role of the militia in the political events of the Century of Revolutions: the reign of Charles I, the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, the Restoration age, the Glorious Revolution, and also gives a retrospective review of the eventsof the 18th century.

What's New About the Restoration?

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Harris
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
John Milton ◽  
Limited Range ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
History Of ◽  
Excellent Work ◽  
Modern Textbook ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
The Glorious Revolution ◽  
Field Of Inquiry

When I first began my researches into later Stuart history as a graduate student back in 1980, the Restoration was a relatively underdeveloped field of inquiry. Although there were a number of scholars producing excellent work in this area, there was not the same depth of scholarship as characterized study of the first half of the seventeenth century: wide gaps in our knowledge existed, and for some of the most crucial episodes of the period we were dependent upon a limited range of studies and dated works. The best general entrée into the period was still David Ogg's classic two-volumeEngland in the Reign of Charles II, first published in 1934! A suitable modern textbook did not emerge until 1978, with the publication of J. R. Jones'sCounty and Court: England 1658–1714, a book that had neither Ogg's range nor lively analytical style. For our understanding of why the monarchy was restored we were reliant upon a study that had come out in 1955, which was supplemented only in 1980 by Austin Woolrych's book-length “Historical Introduction” to volume seven of the Yale edition of theComplete Prose Works of John Milton. On the Exclusion Crisis we had J. R. Jones'sThe First Whigs, which had appeared in 1961, although for the first Tories we still needed to use Sir Keith Feiling's 1924History of the Tory Party. For the Glorious Revolution we had a book written by a man who tragically died (at a young age) before he could complete the work, and another self-consciously thought-provoking work designed to raise questions and suggest future avenues of research—both excellent studies in their own right, but hardly the plethora of monographs that we possessed for the mid-century revolution.

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