War and Peace, 1689–1702

William III immediately took Britain into the Nine Years’ War against the French. This chapter examines how William purged the army of James VII and II’s supporters in order to fight the war. However, William was never certain of his new army’s political loyalties. Nor could he trust its British senior officers, some of whom, such as John Churchill, the future duke of Marlborough, had joined William in 1688 but had become alienated from him. William’s relations with parliament were equally troubled, and never more so than during the biggest political crisis after the end of the war, the standing army debates over the peacetime army.

Scots roses in Northern Ukraine

The article presents the results of the evaluation of eleven Scots rose cultivars in the northern part of Ukraine due to its severe winter conditions. A range of variations regarding the bloom colour, bloom size, bloom type, flowering incidence, plant size was noticed. The evaluation showed the decorative value and considerable frost resistance of the varieties ‘Double White’, ‘Dunwich Rose’, ‘Frühlingsduft’, ‘Frühlingsgold’, ‘Frühlingsmorgen’, ‘Karl Forster’, ‘Mon Amie Claire’, ‘Red Nelly’, ‘Stanwell Perpetual’, ‘Suzanne’, and ‘William III’. The varieties studied can be used for decorative purposes in urban landscapes in the northern part of Ukraine.

The “father of the beet sugar industry.” On the 200th anniversary of the death of Franz Carl Achard

On January 11, 1799, Franz Carl Achard approached the Prussian King Frederick William III and informed him that he was able to produce sugar from beet. The communication was accompanied by a treatise “Ueber die Bereitung des Zuckers aus der Runkel-Rübe” (On the preparation of sugar from beet), in which he explained in twenty paragraphs how to cultivate beet and establish sugar production.

Part I Financial Markets, 3 UK Central Banking and Financial Stability

This chapter talks about the Bank of England as the UK's central bank, which was established in 1694 by a Charter granted by King William III and Queen Mary II under the authority of an Act of Parliament. It explains the principal object of the Act in creating the Bank as a vehicle for raising money for the government. It also discusses how the Bank was closely associated with the raising and management of the national debt since its inception, which is a function that the Bank retained until the creation of the UK Debt Management Office (DMO) in 1998. This chapter highlights how the Bank raised money by issuing of banknotes, which became widely used as a convenient means of making large—value payments. It points out that the Bank of England notes were not formally legal tender until 1833.

God, King, Fatherland – and Elections. The Introduction of the Municipal Self-Government in Prussia in 1808 Seen Through the Perspective of the Protestant Sermon

Introduction. The current study focuses on a number of sermons preached by the Prussian Protestant ministers on the occasion of the first municipal elections in Prussia in 1809–1810. The paper seeks to show that the Prussian Protestant clergy supported the introduction of the municipal self-government and inspired the population to take part in elections. Methods. The paper presents a case study dealing with the problem of the interaction between religious and political spheres in the early nineteenth century. This gives rise to the interdisciplinary approach adoptedin the current study. Analysis. Prussian Protestant preachers combined religious symbols with liberal vocabulary advancing the thesis that a good Christian is an honest citizen. The sermons abounded in such terms as “public spirit”, “civic responsibility” or “love of the Fatherland”. God was directly involved in the earthly politics since the municipal self-government was regarded as a divine gift from heaven. The Holy Spirit was thought to be present at municipal elections watching over the minds and the hearts of citizens. Prussian Monarch Frederick William III was stylized in the sermons as a typical “citizen King” who respected the rights of his subjects. The Prussian Kingdom was imagined as a big family with the King as the Father of the nation, the Prussians being his grown-up children. The introduction of the municipal self-government was thus described as “coming of age” of the Prussian people. Conclusion. The case study of the Protestant clergy supporting the liberal reforms conducted by the Prussian government proves that modernization did not always mean secularization.

The Role of the Satirist and the Problem of Moral Conviction

This chapter addresses two related subjects, the reception of De Hooghe’s satires and the role of the satirist. The focus of this discussion is the so-called Pamphlet War of 1690, the primary vehicle for much of the criticism of De Hooghe’s satires. In twelve scathing pamphlets published against Romeyn de Hooghe in the first several months of 1690, witnesses alleged his blasphemy, atheism, and sexual perversion, and embroiled him in a fevered exchange of pamphlets with representatives of Amsterdam. While such rhetoric employed against the printmaker in pamphlet literature vividly described his manifold immorality, Hollands hollende koe (Holland’s running cow), an anti-Williamite satire produced by the printmaker’s enemies in his distinctive etching style, provided material ‘evidence’ of his lack of integrity. With this print, De Hooghe was accused of working for both sides of the political divide—producing Orangist satires for William III and anti-Williamite satires for the Amsterdam regents. The potency of Hollands hollende koe depends fundamentally upon the assumption of integrity between satirist and satire, the notion that he or she believes in the positions and ideologies espoused in his or her satires. It will be argued that the conflation of satirist and satire and the attendant expectation of moral conviction on the part of the satirist are not only associated with the genre of political satire, they are engendered by it and feature prominently throughout its history.

Satires on Domestic Subjects

This chapter examines five satires on the subject of domestic politics. Orange-Amsterdam opposition dominated Dutch politics for much of the seventeenth century and the States Party faction, led by the republican-leaning Amsterdam regents, was driven by two primary concerns: the interruption to trade, particularly with France, caused by William III’s invasion of England and subsequent military exploits; and the curbing of William’s dynastic ambition, which was seen as a direct threat to Holland’s supremacy within the United Provinces. All of De Hooghe’s satires under consideration here are Orangist in viewpoint and accuse Amsterdam of colluding with France in order to maintain lucrative trade alliances and marginalize William III politically. The function of De Hooghe’s satires is the primary focus of this discussion and, to this end, the critical role played by factionalism in Dutch politics of this period will be considered. It will be argued that De Hooghe’s domestic satires were intended for a specific segment of Holland’s governing elite, those in the ‘middle party’ who did not align themselves fully with either the States Party or the Orangist ends of the political spectrum. The chapter concludes that pragmatic considerations were a critical impetus for the domestic satires: for Orangists, the fact that William III needed the financial support of Amsterdam for his military campaigns; and, for the Amsterdam regents, as is articulated in an anonymous anti-Williamite satire, the fear of William III’s monarchical ambitions and the opportunity to consolidate their power in the absence of the Stadhouder-King.

Satires on Foreign Subjects

This chapter examines seven of De Hooghe’s eighteen satires on the events surrounding William III’s invasion of England and associated diplomatic and military campaigns. These satires, which were produced between the autumn of 1688 and summer of 1690, followed the events of the Glorious Revolution as they unfolded and represent not only key political-historical events but also the development of De Hooghe’s satirical strategies. William III is featured as the sober and valiant defender of Protestantism against the Catholic kings, James II and Louis XIV, who appear as a darkly comic duo, misguided adherents of a primitive religion committed only to their own aggrandizement. This discussion examines the iconography of the foreign satires, providing detailed interpretive analysis and translation of many of the texts into English for the first time. It will be demonstrated that De Hooghe responded almost immediately to the rapid unfolding of events that constituted the Glorious Revolution, highlighting the need to consider them in terms of the speed with which they were produced and their serial nature. It is often possible to determine the month in which a satire was made and, in certain cases, the timeframe can be narrowed to weeks. This dramatic imbrication in a particular historical moment is characteristic of political satire to this day.