The Political Economy of Structural Change

Author(s):  
Ha-Joon Chang ◽  
Christopher Hope

This chapter criticizes the view that structural change is a purely technocratic process. Many writings simply outline a list of best practices. However, a political economy analysis is required. The chapter provides examples from the history of Germany under Bismarck, the Republic of Korea, and Peron’s Argentina. What is lacking in the study of structural change is a thorough analysis of political economy in explaining how structural change occurs. Who holds political power within a state, why are (or are not) certain policies adopted, and whose interests are (or are not) being served by a given economic policy? These questions are of the utmost importance in understanding structural change. Countries with a strong landlord class or a strong financial capitalist class have generally found it difficult to implement good industrial policies, as those classes tend to want policies that may be detrimental to manufacturing. One also needs to look at the ideas held by those controlling the state.

2019 ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Viktor A. Popov

Deep comprehension of the advanced economic theory, the talent of lecturer enforced by the outstanding working ability forwarded Vladimir Geleznoff scarcely at the end of his thirties to prepare the publication of “The essays of the political economy” (1898). The subsequent publishing success (8 editions in Russia, the 1918­-year edition in Germany) sufficiently demonstrates that Geleznoff well succeded in meeting the intellectual inquiry of the cross­road epoch of the Russian history and by that taking the worthful place in the history of economic thought in Russia. Being an acknowledged historian of science V. Geleznoff was the first and up to now one of the few to demonstrate the worldwide community of economists the theoretically saturated view of Russian economic thought in its most fruitful period (end of XIX — first quarter of XX century).


Electricity is critical to enabling India’s economic growth and providing a better future for its citizens. In spite of several decades of reform, the Indian electricity sector is unable to provide high-quality and affordable electricity for all, and grapples with the challenge of poor financial and operational performance. To understand why, Mapping Power provides the most comprehensive analysis of the political economy of electricity in India’s states. With chapters on fifteen states by scholars of state politics and electricity, this volume maps the political and economic forces that constrain and shape decisions in electricity distribute on. Contrary to conventional wisdom, it concludes that attempts to depoliticize the sector are misplaced and could worsen outcomes. Instead, it suggests that a historically grounded political economy analysis helps understand the past and devise reforms to simultaneously improve sectoral outcomes and generate political rewards. These arguments have implications for the challenges facing India’s electricity future, including providing electricity to all, implementing government reform schemes, and successfully managing the rise of renewable energy.


Organization ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 135050842110612
Author(s):  
Daniel S Lacerda

The spatial imaginations of organisations can be particularly insightful for examining power relations. However, only recently they have gone beyond the limits of the workplace, demonstrating the role of the territory for organised action, particularly in mobilising solidarity for resistance. In this article, I investigate power relations revealed by the political economy of the territory to explain contradictory actions undertaken by organisations. Specifically, I adopt the theoretical framework of the noted Brazilian geographer Milton Santos, who recognises spatial multiplicity and fragmentation while maintaining an appreciation of the structural conditions of the political economy. This perspective is particularly useful for the analysis of civil society organisations (CSOs) in a Brazilian favela (slum), given the context of high inequality perpetuated by the selective flows of urban development. First, I show that the history of favelas and their role in the territorial division of labour explain the profiles of existing organisations. Then, I examine how the political engagement of CSOs with distinct solidarities results in a dialectical tension that leads to both resistance based on local shared interests and the active reproduction of central spaces even if the ends are not shared. The article contributes to the literature of space and organisations by explaining how territorial dynamics mediate power relations within and across organisations, not only as resistance but also as the active reproduction of economic and political regimes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Loffreda ◽  
Kéfilath Bello ◽  
Joël Arthur Kiendrébéogo ◽  
Isidore Selenou ◽  
Mohamed Ali Ag Ahmed ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Progress towards universal health coverage (UHC) is an inherently political process. Political economy analysis (PEA) is gaining momentum as a tool to better understand the role of the political and economic dimensions in shaping and achieving UHC in different contexts. Despite the acknowledged importance of actors and stakeholders in political economy considerations, their role in the PEA research process beyond “study subjects” as potential cocreators of knowledge and knowledge users has been overlooked so far. We therefore aimed to review the approaches with reference to stakeholder engagement during the research process adopted in the current published research on the political economy of UHC and health financing reforms, and the factors favouring (or hindering) uptake and usability of PEA work. Methods We reviewed the literature to describe whether, when and how stakeholders were involved in the research process of studies looking at the political economy of UHC and health financing reforms, and to identify challenges and lessons learned on effective stakeholder engagement and research uptake. We used a standardized search strategy with key terms across several databases; we screened and included articles that focused on PEA and UHC. Additionally, we conducted a short survey of the authors of the included studies to complement the information retrieved. Results Fifty articles met the inclusion criteria and were included in the analysis. We found overall little evidence of systematic engagement of stakeholders in the research process, which focused mostly on the data collection phase of the research (i.e., key informant interviews). Our study identifies some reasons for the varying stakeholder engagement. Challenges include PEA requiring specific skills, a focus on sensitive issues, and the blurriness in researchers’ and stakeholders’ roles and the multiple roles of stakeholders as research participants, study subjects and research users. Among the approaches that might favour usability of PEA work, we identified early engagement, coproduction of research questions, local partners and personal contact, political willingness, and trust and use of prospective analysis. Conclusions Stakeholder engagement and research uptake are multifaceted concepts and complex processes, particularly when applied to PEA. As such, stakeholder engagement in the research process of PEA of UHC and health financing reforms is limited and underreported. Despite the challenges, however, stakeholder engagement remains key to ensuring relevance, usability and research uptake of PEA studies. More efforts are required to ensure engagement at different stages of the research process and better reporting in published articles.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Wahyu Nurmalaningrum

Often the link between politics, economics and history escapes our attention so far. Much of the history of Indonesian development even the political history of the Indonesian nation itself has been forgotten by this millennial era society. They prefer mobile phones rather than books. Prefer cellphones from history. Even though history is important. The successors of the nation in the millennial era are more concerned with social media than knowing the origin of a country. Many do not understand the history of someone who can become president. There are various theories about history, such as Aristotelian theory, and the theory of plateau. Arisstoteles can be made a reference for learning for the ideals of the State with a fair and calm manner. The discussion with this theme takes the example of the fall of Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Maria Conceição Veloso ◽  
Fabíola Mendonça de Vasconcelos ◽  
Laís Ferreira

RESUMO A forma como a mídia brasileira retrata a mulher no campo político é um dos aportes deste artigo, que analisa as reportagens de duas revistas semanais, a Veja e a IstoÉ: enquanto a primeira tenta mostrar uma vice-primeira-dama, Marcela Temer, como “bela, recatada e do lar”, a segunda traz uma presidenta da República, Dilma Rousseff, histérica, destemperada, cuja manchete de capa é “As explosões nervosas da presidente”. As duas edições são veiculadas no contexto da votação do impeachment da presidenta Dilma Rousseff (PT), votado na Câmara Federal em  abril de 2016 e, no Senado, em maio e em agosto do mesmo ano. Utilizando como referenciais teóricos a Economia Política da Comunicação, o trabalho mostra o caráter patriarcal, misógino e preconceituoso das publicações, que reproduzem valores consoantes a formações ideológicas sexistas.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Mídia; Economia Política da Comunicação; Dilma Rousseff; Marcela Temer; Sexismo.   ABSTRACTThis paper aims to show how Brazilian media portrays women in politics. Articles about two public female figures published by Brazilian weekly news magazines, Veja and IstoÉ, were analyzed. While Veja tried to show the Second Lady Marcela Temer as a “beautiful, demure housewife”, IstoÉ portrayed the President of the Republic, Dilma Rousseff, as hysterical, intemperate, and published the headline “The nervous explosions of the President”. Both editions were published in the context of Dilma Rousseff (PT) impeachment trial. Between April and August 2016, the lower chamber voted for impeachment and the Senate voted to begin the trial, resulting in Rousseff’s suspension. Using the Political Economy of Communication as theoretical reference, this paper shows the patriarchal, misogynist and prejudiced character of the magazines, which reproduce sexist ideas.   KEYWORDS: Media; Political Economy of Communications; Dilma Rouseff; Marcela Temer; Sexism.     RESUMEN La forma que los medios de comunicación brasileños retratan las mujeres en la política es una de las aportaciones de este artículo, que analiza los temas de portada de dos revistas semanales, Veja y IstoÉ: mientras la primera publicación  intenta mostrar una vice-primera-dama como "hermosa, recatada y el hogar", el segundo periódico aporta una presidenta de la República, Dilma Rousseff,  histérica, destemplada, cuyo titular de la capa es "Las explosiones nerviosas de la presidente ". Ambas ediciones datan de antes de la votación de destitución de la presidenta Dilma Rousseff (PT), votada en el Congreso en el més de abril de 2016 y el Senado en mayo y agosto del mismo año. Utilizando referentes teóricos de la economía política de la comunicación, este trabajo muestra el carácter patriarcal, misógino y de prejuicios de las revistas, reproduciendo los valores de formaciones ideológicas sexistas.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Media; Economía Política de la Comunicación; Dilma Rousseff; Marcela Temer; Sexismo.


Author(s):  
Kanybek A. Kudayarov ◽  

Kyrgyzstan, like other states of the post-Soviet space, has passed a challenging path in its development since gaining independence. Three de- cades of the republic’s existence in the new geopolitical conditions revealed the peculiarities of its political, socio-economic and cultural evolution, that distinguish the Kyrgyz Republic from the Central Asian neighbours and other republics of Commonwealth of Independent States. Supporting the concept of the history of the Kyrgyz people while preserving certain traditions of the Turkic nomadic civilization has become a fundamental part of the emerging national identity. Another important feature of building the political system in the Kyrgyz Republic is the attempt to create a Western-style democratic state based on its own experience of implementing “nomadic democracy”. The presence of constant zigzag jumps in the evolution of the political system of the republic (i.e., repeated transitions from the presidential form of government to the presidential-parliamentary form and back) can be traced throughout the existence of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. At the same time, it should be noted that the described processes are due to a special geographical location, which ini- tially affects the formation of the corresponding type of economic management. That in turn, affects the political development of the country.


Author(s):  
Jiří Krejčík

The chapter considers the history of India, mainly in the last decades, in light of the contemporary situation, created by the decisive victory of the Hindu nationalist party. While India has not experienced a political revolution in the generally accepted sense, it is a noteworthy fact that the label „revolution“ has been used to describe varying developments during the last half-century. This raises conceptual questions. In particular, it needs to be clarified whether the idea of a „passive revolution“, a major structural change without the collective action and the struggle for social power that are associated with full-fledged revolution, is applicable. In India, it has been applied to Gandhi’s actvities, but also to those of his less charismatic disciples; but some scholars have doubted its relevance. The chapter argues for a cautious application of the concept, especially with regard to the rise of a new capitalist class.


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