From Earthquake to ‘Red Maquis’, September 1954 to June 1956

2020 ◽  
pp. 253-270
Author(s):  
Neil Macmaster

The chapter examines how the Communist Party, following the decision of June 1955 to organize the paramilitary Combattants de la libération (CDL), established a short-lived guerrilla, the so-called ‘Red Maquis’, in the Chelif region. The clandestine structure had begun to take root as a consequence of the massive earthquake of September 1954, centred on Orleansville, that exposed the long-term failure of the colonial state to develop the rural economy. The communists rapidly created the Fédération des sinistrés that established a network of peasant cells that soon became the base of the Red Maquis. While the communists were successful in creating a guerrilla base centred on Medjadja, the main group inserted by Laban and Maillot in the Beni Boudouane was rapidly located and destroyed by the army, assisted by the bachaga Boualam. The catastrophic failure of the Red Maquis highlighted the failure of the Algiers-based central committee to prepare the ground for a guerrilla movement. However, several key participants escaped the military encirclement and were soon absorbed into the FLN on the dissolution of the CDL in July 1956.

Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Mironowicz

The analysis of the content of the appeal leaflets was to show what the Soviet leadership set for the people responsible for propaganda. The image of the enemy presented to the Belarusian society convinced them to uncompromising fight. The propaganda also left no doubt that any work strengthening the occupants’ potential was a betrayal of the Soviet homeland. It reminded that the loyalty of the inhabitants of occupied Belarus should be shown only to the Soviet authorities. The one more goal of the research was to show the effects of propaganda work. They were clearly visible. This was manifested by a powerful guerrilla movement on the territory of the republic and a small, compared to neighboring republics Lithuania and Ukraine, implementation of imposed standards for the supply of labor to Germany and food contingents.


1994 ◽  
Vol 140 ◽  
pp. 1000-1006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Saich

The new materials on Chinese Communist Party (CCP) history that have become available from the late 1970s onwards, the opportunity to inter-view key participants in the Chinese revolution and changing intellectual agendas in the West have led to a major reassessment of the reasons for the CCP's rise to power. Recent research has contributed significantly to understanding of the process of change in China in the century or so before the Communists came to power and has even moved the Party out of the immediate spotlight while explaining long-term socio-economic changes and their structural consequences. Similarly, the focus has moved away from Mao Zedong and a few senior leaders operating out of the key geographic centres of the revolution (Jiangxi in the early 1930s, Yan'an in the late 1930s and early 1940s). This latter research has retrieved those forgotten in the revolutionary histories or those who have been deliberately ignored in the writings of the victors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Zhiqian Ji

After the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee stood for the times and proposed forward-looking strategies such as the “Belt and Road” and cultural confidence. Cultural confidence is based on the profound heritage of our own excellent traditional culture, and the advanced socialist culture condensed in long-term practice. Its role in the “Belt and Road” strategy cannot be underestimated. Use culture to communicate, to draw in our relationship with other countries. It is not only in line with the vision of a community with shared future for mankind contained in the Communist Manifesto, but also able to demonstrate the demeanor of a major country and ensure the smooth progress of the “Belt and Road” strategy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (02) ◽  
pp. 5-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Na ZHOU

The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China announced its new central leadership, namely, the 19th Central Committee and the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, in October 2017. President Xi Jinping directly led the selection of the candidates. Through this congress, he has hence taken a significant step to place his forces and strengthened his grip on the military.


Author(s):  
Madara Eversone

The article aims to highlight the role of Arvīds Grigulis’ (1906–1989) personality in the Latvian Soviet literary process in the context of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union, attempting to discover the contradictions and significance of Arvīds Grigulis’ personality. Arvīds Grigulis was a long-time member of the Writers’ Union, a member of the Soviet nomenklatura, and an authority of the soviet literary process. His evaluations of pre-soviet literary heritage and writings of his contemporaries were often harsh and ruthless, and also influenced the development of the further literary process. The article is based on the documents of the Central Committee of the Latvian Communist Party, the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the Communist Party local organization of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union that are available at the Latvian State Archive of the National Archives of Latvia, as well as memories of Grigulis’ contemporaries. It is concluded that the personality of the writer Arvīds Grigulis, although unfolding less in the context of the Writers’ Union, is essential for the exploration of the soviet literary process and events behind the scenes. The article mainly describes events and episodes taking place until 1965, when Arvīds Grigulis’ influence in the Writers’ Union was more remarkable. Individual and further studies should analyse changes and the impact of his decisions in the cultural process of the 70s and 80s of the 20th century.


Author(s):  
Douglas E. Delaney

How did British authorities manage to secure the commitment of large dominion and Indian armies that could plan, fight, shoot, communicate, and sustain themselves, in concert with the British Army and with each other, during the era of the two world wars? This is the primary line of inquiry for this study, which begs a couple of supporting questions. What did the British want from the dominion and Indian armies and how did they go about trying to get it? How successful were they in the end? Answering these questions requires a long-term perspective—one that begins with efforts to fix the armies of the British Empire in the aftermath of their desultory performance in South Africa (1899–1903) and follows through to the high point of imperial military cooperation during the Second World War. Based on multi-archival research conducted in six different countries on four continents, Douglas E. Delaney argues that the military compatibility of the British Empire armies was the product of a deliberate and enduring imperial army project, one that aimed at ‘Lego-piecing’ the armies of the empire, while, at the same time, accommodating the burgeoning autonomy of the dominions and even India. At its core, this book is really about how a military coalition worked.


Focaal ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 2009 (54) ◽  
pp. 89-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Projit Bihari Mukharji

The reflections in this article were instigated by the repeated and brutal clashes since 2007 between peasants and the state government’s militias—both official and unofficial—over the issue of industrialization. A communist government engaging peasants violently in order to acquire and transfer their lands to big business houses to set up capitalist enterprises seemed dramatically ironic. De- spite the presence of many immediate causes for the conflict, subtle long-term change to the nature of communist politics in the state was also responsible for the present situation. This article identifies two trends that, though significant, are by themselves not enough to explain what is happening in West Bengal today. First, the growth of a culture of governance where the Communist Party actively seeks to manage rather than politicize social conflicts; second, the recasting of radical political subjectivity as a matter of identity rather than an instigation for critical self-reflection and self-transformation.


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