The Political Soul

Author(s):  
Josh Wilburn

The Political Soul examines the relationship between Plato’s views on psychology and his political philosophy over the course of his career, focusing on his account of the spirited part of the tripartite soul, or thumos, and spirited motivation. It argues that spirit is the distinctively social or political part of the human soul for Plato: it is the source of the desires, emotions, and sensitivities that make it possible for people to form cooperative relationships with one another, interact politically, influence and absorb one another’s values through cultural modes and social processes, and protect their communities. Such emotions prominently include not only the aggressive or competitive qualities for which thumos is well-known, but also the feelings of attachment, love, friendship, and civic fellowship that bind families and communities together and make cities possible in the first place. Because spirit is the political part of the soul in this sense, moreover, two social and political challenges that occupy Plato throughout his career—namely, how to educate citizens properly in virtue and how to maintain unity and stability in political communities—cannot be addressed and resolved, on his view, without proper attention to the spirited aspects of human psychology.

Author(s):  
Alessandra Silveira ◽  
José Gomes André ◽  

This paper includes the exam of a Ph.D thesis about James Madison’s political philosophy, as well as the answers presented by the candidate to several criticai observations. Various themes are considered, though always surrounding Madison’s work: the peculiar characteristics of his federalism, the relationship between the idea of human nature and the elaboration of political models, the political and constitutional controversies that Madison entangled with several figures from its time (namely Alexander Hamilton), the problem of “judicial review” and the place of “constitutionality control” taken from a reflexive and institutional point of view, and other similar themes.


2000 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
James V. Schall

The relationship between philosophy, revelation, and politics is a basic intellectual theme, either at the forefront or in the background, of all political philosophy. The 1998 publication of John Paul II's encyclicalFides et Ratiooccasioned much reflection on the relation of reason and revelation. Though not directly concerned with political philosophy, this encyclical provides a welcome opportunity to address many theologicalpolitical issues that have arisen in classic and contemporary political philosophy. The argument here states in straightforward terms how philosophy and theology, as understood in the Roman Catholic tradition, can be coherently related to fundamental questions that have legitimately recurred in the works of the political philosophers.


Author(s):  
Ryan Patrick Hanley

Chapter 6 turns to Fénelon’s theology, focusing on his treatment of hope and its significance for his political philosophy. It argues that he regarded hope not just as a key theological virtue, but also as a key virtue of political rulers and political reformers. Its discussion of the political implications of Fénelon’s theology proceeds in three parts. It first examines the role of hope in Telemachus. It then turns to the treatment of hope in Fénelon’s theology, focusing on three particular discussions: the place of hope in love, the relationship of hope to self-interest, and the place of hope in prayer. The final section turns to two aspects of Fénelon’s theology beyond hope which also have significant implications for his political philosophy: his understanding of the relationship of human being to divine being, and his arguments for the existence of God and their implications for universal order.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 577-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Engster

Contemporary feminist scholars have devoted much attention to analyzing the relationship between justice and care theories but little to the ideas of early feminist authors. I bring the political philosophy of the Mary Wollstonecraft to bear on contemporary justice/care debates in order to highlight her unique contribution. Although usually interpreted as a classical liberal or republican thinker, Wollstonecraft is better understood as a feminist care theorist. She aimed at a revolutionary transformation of liberal society by emphasizing the importance of care-giving duties. Unlike some recent feminist scholars, however, she still recognized an important role for justice. She argued that before personal care-giving activities could transform the political, political justice had first to be extended to personal caring relationships. Wollstonecraft's political philosophy thus provides a feminist model for synthesizing justice and care theories and represents an innovative reformulation of classical liberal and republican ideas that incorporates the care perspective.


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tilo Wesche

AbstractUnderstanding the relationship of democracy and property ownership is one of the most important tasks for contemporary political philosophy. In his concept of property-owning democracy John Rawls explores the thesis that property in productive means has an indirect effect on the formation of true or false beliefs and that unequal ownership of productive capital leads to distorted and deceived convictions. The basic aspect of Rawls’s conception can be captured by the claim that for securing the fair value of the political liberties a widespread dispersal of property in productive resources is required that minimizes the formation of delusions and therefore improves the conditions of deliberative democracy.


Author(s):  
Katrin A. Flikschuh

This chapter examines the political ideas of Immanuel Kant. Kant is widely regarded as a precursor to current political liberalism. There are many aspects of Kant's political philosophy, including his property argument, that remain poorly understood and unjustly neglected. Many other aspects, including his cosmopolitanism, reveal Kant as perhaps one of the most systematic and consistent political thinkers. Underlying all these aspects of his political philosophy is an abiding commitment to his epistemological method of transcendental idealism. After providing a short biography of Kant, this chapter considers his epistemology as well as the relationship between virtue and justice in his practical philosophy. It also explores a number of themes in Kant's political thinking, including the idea of external freedom, the nature of political obligation, the vindication of property rights, the denial of a right to revolution, and the cosmopolitan scope of Kantian justice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Sarah Mortimer

The introduction sets out the main themes of the book and the approach taken. It characterizes political thought as the analysis and examination of how earthly communities flourish, as distinct from other kinds of communities like churches or households. It argues that although the period began with the consolidation of large empires, there was a growing concern to understand and to defend local or regional political communities, and that these developments were shaped by social and economic change. It emphasizes the need to see the political ideas and aspirations of early modern people within the context of their other desires and aspirations, and the context of their specific historical situations. It shows how the approach taken in this book builds upon the existing work of scholars and historians. It also sets out the distinctive features of the book: the inclusion of lands beyond Europe, the emphasis on natural law, and the relationship between political thought and social change.


Author(s):  
Muchlinski Peter T

This chapter examines the interaction of multinational enterprises (MNEs) with the political communities in which they operate. It first maps the actors involved and identifies their respective roles and interests. The chapter then considers the effects of MNEs on home and host communities and economies. This involves ideological themes that have influenced the regulatory debate not only historically, but also for the present and future. The chapter also explores the principal levels and methods of regulation, discussing the relationship between formal regulation by state bodies and informal regulation by non-state actors; outlining the available sources of regulatory rules and practices; and assessing the choices of legal jurisdiction between the national, bilateral, regional and multilateral levels. Integrated global production, dominated by MNEs, has led to changes in international and national regulatory environments away from ‘investor control’ towards ‘investor promotion and protection’. At the same time, with the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the socialist system, there appears to be no serious alternative to the corporate capitalism espoused by MNEs, backed up by the ‘neoliberal’ system of market-led globalization. However, recent challenges to the ‘neoliberal’ ascendancy come from economic nationalism and protectionism as well as greater concern for corporate social responsibility and accountability.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 622-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kendra Strauss

This progress report examines the relationship between continued growth in the sub-field of labour geography, especially in research on migration, and the concept of precarity. An increasingly dominant frame in critical studies of labour and the employment relation, and resonant in the political sphere within (and now beyond) Europe, precarity has seen slower uptake by geographers. However, research on migrant labour and emerging work on technological change, flexibilization, restructuring and insecurity is employing precarity as a multi-dimensional conceptual framework. In this sense, I argue that the distinction between notions of precarity grounded in political economy and those grounded in political philosophy is increasingly – and productively – blurred. As I illustrate, this blurring is apparent in labour geography’s ongoing and deepening engagement with precarity, yet our distinctive contribution to a spatialized theorization of precarity remains, I argue, an open question.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147488512110020
Author(s):  
Gianna Englert

In The Political Philosophy of Fénelon, Ryan Hanley argues that Fénelon was a realist who aimed to elevate and educate self-love—rather than resist it—in order to avoid tyranny. This roundtable article examines two of Fenelon’s arguments for how self-love, well-directed, could circumvent a king’s absolutist and tyrannical inclinations: 1) the king’s need to be loved and to love in turn, and 2) the relationship between faith and politics / church and state. Contrasting Fénelon with Machiavelli, I question whether the ruler’s “need-love” for his people leaves him susceptible to forms of domination or at least, as Machiavelli warned, renders them politically weak. Given Hanley’s interest to recover Fénelon for the present day, I conclude by arguing that the thinker’s insights about the limiting role of well-directed self-love are inescapably tied to his critiques of absolutism. The same need-love of the people, I argue, cannot similarly check executive power under democracy. Nonetheless, Fénelon’s perspective remains valuable, as does Hanley’s project of recovery, since democracies continue to reckon with particular problems raised by self-love.


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