Norway: Towards a More Permissive Coalitional Order

2021 ◽  
pp. 482-516
Author(s):  
Torill Stavenes ◽  
kaare W. Strøm
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Left Party

Consensus, collegiality, and compromise still characterize Norwegian coalition governance, but important shifts in the formation, composition, and operation of Norwegian coalitions have taken place since the 1990s. An increasingly permissive Norwegian parliamentarism has facilitated the entry of previously non-coalitionable parties, such as the Socialist Left Party and the Progress Party, into government coalitions in 2005 and 2013, respectively. Also, small parties have begun to punch well above their weight in the allocation of ministerial portfolios, as in the case of the Liberal Party in 2001, which with only two MPs negotiated three cabinet seats. The chapter further demonstrates how Norwegian coalitions increasingly have appointed so-called cross-partisan junior ministers, mainly to provide cross-partisan advice, but also to be watchdogs for their respective parties. Finally, the use of the so-called cabinet sub-committee, normally comprising the leaders of each of the coalition parties, escalated in the 2000s. This sub-committee was designed to solve the most serious inter-party conflicts and became an important vehicle of conflict resolution under prime ministers Bondevik and Stoltenberg.

Demotion and Dissent in the Canadian Liberal Party

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER KAM
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Career Ladder ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Party Line ◽  
Party Cohesion ◽  
Member Of Parliament ◽  
Rules Of The Game

Those who have not witnessed the making of a government have reason to be happier than those who have. It is a thoroughly unpleasant and discreditable business in which merit is disregarded, loyal service is without value, influence is the most important factor and geography and religion are important supplementary considerations.The Borden Ministry was composed under standard conditions, and was not, therefore, nearly as able, honest, or as industrious an administrative aggregation as could have been had from the material available … There were some broken hearts – in one instance, literally. In others, philosophy came to the rescue, but the pills were large and the swallowing was bitter.Paul BilkeyPrime ministers can typically rely on ideological agreement and norms of loyalty to deliver them a modicum of party cohesion. Beyond that, they have at their disposal a variety of institutional tools with which to enforce discipline. The powers to invoke the confidence convention and to dissolve parliament are the most well known and powerful of these tools, but these heavy-handed measures are ill-suited for securing unity on an on-going basis. The prime minister's monopoly over the distribution of preferment is a far more reliable means of ensuring members' loyalty. The rules of the game are simple: if the member of parliament (MP) wishes to climb the parliamentary career ladder, he or she must toe the party line. The prime minister's power over MPs' parliamentary careers is not without limit, of course. Some MPs must be brought into cabinet because they are too powerful and dangerous to leave on the backbench where they can openly challenge the prime minister.

Cultures of Political Recycling and Conflict Resolution in Japan: Any Lessons for Africa?

2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seifudein Adem
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The State ◽  
Cultural Perspective ◽  
African Countries ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Political Structures

In the 1990s Japan changed its prime ministers nine times just in a span of nine years, an extraordinarily high turnover by any standard, and — above all — by Japan’s own. But all the transitions took a characteristically peaceful form. Although fewer changes took place in individual African countries in the same period, the process was invariably less than peaceful and often bloody. Simple observations such as these automatically call to mind a number of questions which, it should be admitted, are easier to ask than to answer. As an African who has studied and lived in Japan for a while, the specific questions I was confronted with included the following. Why does violence mar political change in Africa, but not in Japan? What are the lessons that Africa could draw from Japan’s experience? Formidable questions indeed. Social scientists generally explain change in terms of the nature and the state of political structures and institutions in a given society. In a sense intended neither to dismiss nor belittle the usefulness of this approach, I wish to address the above questions in the eye of a non-specialist primarily from a cultural perspective in order to (a) highlight the less obvious but significant forces which seem to be also at work in Japan, and (b) suggest the lessons Africa could extract from the experience.

scholarly journals Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018

Poliarchia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1(10)) ◽  
pp. 49-69
Author(s):  
Adam Filus
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Illegal Immigration ◽  
Illegal Immigrants ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Labor Party ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Illegal Migrants ◽  
John Howard ◽  
Immigration And Asylum

Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018 Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.

Presidents, Parties, and Prime Ministers

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Samuels ◽  
Matthew S. Shugart
Keyword(s):  
Prime Ministers

Agreeableness, Conflict Resolution Tactics, and School Behavior in Second Graders

2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 145-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel L. Gadke ◽  
Renée M. Tobin ◽  
W. Joel Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Problem Behaviors ◽  
Second Graders ◽  
Adaptive Behaviors ◽  
Second Grade ◽  
School Behavior ◽  
Multiple Sources ◽  
School Based ◽  
Second Grade Students ◽  
Negotiation Tactics

Abstract. This study examined the association between Agreeableness and children’s selection of conflict resolution tactics and their overt behaviors at school. A total of 157 second graders responded to a series of conflict resolution vignettes and were observed three times during physical education classes at school. We hypothesized that Agreeableness would be inversely related to the endorsement of power assertion tactics and to displays of problem behaviors, and positively related to the endorsement of negotiation tactics and to displays of adaptive behaviors. Consistent with hypotheses, Agreeableness was inversely related to power assertion tactics and to displays of off-task, disruptive, and verbally aggressive behaviors. There was no evidence that Agreeableness was related to more socially sophisticated responses to conflict, such as negotiation, with our sample of second grade students; however, it was related to displays of adaptive behaviors, specifically on-task behaviors. Limitations, including potential reactivity effects and the restriction of observational data collection to one school-based setting, are discussed. Future researchers are encouraged to collect data from multiple sources in more than one setting over time.

The Theatrical Metaphor: Can It Aid Conflict Resolution?

1987 ◽  
Vol 32 (7) ◽  
pp. 602-603
Author(s):  
Sheldon Stryker
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution

Action Committee Updates: Conflict Resolution

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Fabick ◽  
◽  
Barbara Tint
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Action Committee
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