The Mikado and the Shogun (P.V. Narasimha Rao and Arjun Singh)

Author(s):  
R.V. Vaidyanatha Ayyar

This chapter describes the personality and politics of Arjun Singh who was Minister of MHRD for about nine years in two spells (1991–95 and 2004–9), and left a deep imprint on Indian education policies. It also describes the developments during 1991–6, a watershed in Indian economic and political history which among others marked the end of Nehruvian era and the unquestioned sway of hegemony of the liberal-left ideas about nationalism, identity, and secularism which were regnant from Independence. It outlines how Arjun Singh built his political career around a fiery commitment to secularism, leftist economic ideology, and social justice, and how that commitment served him well in his battles with political rivals including the Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao. It also outlines Arjun Singh’s strategic use of MHRD to cultivate ‘progressive’ intellectuals, and further his political agenda. It elaborates the conceptual underpinnings of the perennial controversy about school history books, and offers a blow by blow account of the controversy during period 1967–1996 which includes the reign of Indira Gandhi, Janata Party, and P.V. Narasimha Rao.

Author(s):  
R.V. Vaidyanatha Ayyar

This book chronicles the history of education policymaking in India. The focus of the book is on the period from 1964 when the landmark Kothari Commission was constituted; however, to put the policy developments in this period into perspective major developments since the Indian Education Commission (1882) have been touched upon. The distinctiveness of the book lies in the rare insights which come from the author’s experience of making policy at the state, national and international levels; it is also the first book on the making of Indian education policy which brings to bear on the narrative comparative and historical perspectives it, which pays attention to the process and politics of policymaking and the larger setting –the political and policy environment- in which policies were made at different points of time, which attempts to subject regulation of education to a systematic analyses the way regulation of utilities or business or environment had been, and integrates judicial policymaking with the making and implementation of education policies. In fact for the period subsequent to 1979, there have been articles- may be a book or two- on some aspects of these developments individually; however, there is no comprehensive narrative that covers developments as a whole and places them against the backdrop of national and global political, economic, and educational developments.


Author(s):  
Maroa N. Al Katheri ◽  
Philippe W. Zgheib

Unlike most countries, Lebanon lacks a unified national history reference book. Indeed, there is a controversy regarding the use of a unified Lebanese national history book in middle and high school. Many argue against including the Lebanese civil war in the Lebanese school curriculum; although, teaching the Lebanese civil war in school history books can result in many social, political, and economic benefits. Adverse effects are contrasted with consociationalizing effects resulting from the absence of a Lebanese school history book on Lebanese society and history. Regardless of what politicians say, Lebanese younger generations are ready to study the history of their national army and its effects on promoting stability and democracy despite surrounding turmoil.


2000 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin V. Melosi

The emergence of the environmental justice movement in the 1980s has stimulated much debate on the extent to which race and class have been or should become central concerns of modern environmentalism. Leaders in the environmental justice movement have charged that mainstream environmental organizations and, in turn, environmental policy have demonstrated a greater concern for preserving wilderness and animal habitats than addressing health hazards of humans, especially those living in cities; have embraced a “Save the Earth” perspective at the expense of saving people's lives and protecting their homes and backyards. Some advocates of environmental justice have gone so far as to dissociate their movement from American environmentalism altogether, rather identifying with a broader social justice heritage as imbedded in civil rights activities of the 1950s and 1960s.


Author(s):  
Shahla Talebi

Since the early twentieth century, Iranians have lived through several critical moments with significant socioeconomic and religiopolitical consequences for the nation and beyond. These include, though not limited to, the Constitutional Revolution (1905–11); Oil Nationalization Movement (1952–53) led by Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh; 1979 Revolution (1978–79); and 2009 post-presidential election uprisings—the so-called Green Movement, not to mention the recent protests in severaltowns and cities against economic disparity and corruption (late Dec. 2017 and early Jan. 2017–2018). Never merely about the internal conditions, these movements have always been linked with and responded to the interference of, or anxieties about the role of, foreign powers. This chapter elucidates how Iranians’ sense of indignity at living under tyranny, their concern about national sovereignty, socioeconomic disparity, and the lack of political voice have motivated their resistance. The mytho-historical referent of Karbala, intertwined with modern liberal discourses, nationalist sentiments, and the leftist notion of social justice have simultaneously fueled these movements and led to internal conflicts. Nevertheless, the dreams of a better tomorrow or the desire for freedom from tyranny linger on, anticipating new awakenings.


2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 855-872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maura Kelly ◽  
Gordon Gauchat

Feminist scholars and activists have endorsed a broad and intersectional political agenda that addresses multiple dimensions of inequality, such as gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class. We examine whether or not this perspective is also held by self-identified feminists in the general public. Drawing on public opinion polls from 2007 to 2009, we assess self-identified feminists’ attitudes toward a range of social policies. We find that after controlling for sociodemographic factors and political ideology, feminist identity is associated with progressive attitudes on policies related to gender and sexuality (e.g., abortion) as well as policies related to other social justice issues (e.g., immigration, health care). We also find some interactions between feminist identity and gender, age, education, and political ideology, suggesting some heterogeneity in feminists’ political attitudes. Overall, these findings suggest that feminists in the general public support an intersectional social justice agenda rather than a narrow focus on gender issues.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 282-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Izhak Berkovich

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to present the gap between conceptualizations of social injustices and the desired social transformation that addresses multiple social subsystems and levels on one hand, and social justice leadership that addresses intra-school efforts on the other. The paper aims to expand the conceptualization of social justice leadership and tie it together with concepts of activism and social change. Design/methodology/approach – The paper adopts a socio-ecological perspective. It reviews works about social justice leadership in education, activism, and social change to present the notion that in light of existing social justice barriers educational leaders should serve as activists in schools and in the community and policy areas. Findings – The paper presents a macro framework, focussing on individual leaders in the field and on the consolidation of intentions, actions, and outcomes in a manner necessary for using social justice as an effective socio-political agenda in a socio-ecological system. Originality/value – The paper presents a conceptual framework which can enable practitioners and researchers to better understand social justice efforts.


2010 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 377-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurit Peled-Elhanan
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 632
Author(s):  
Yeliz Kale

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Students' history reading and learning materials are not limited to school history textbooks. One of the tools of history learning is trade books. Trade books are one of the important materials that can influence the shaping of the students' knowledge and consciousness of history. The purpose of this study is to determine the opinions of authors on published trade history books for students. This study was designed as a qualitative one. The participant group of the study consisted of six authors who write trade books for students. In this study, the criterion sampling method was used as one of the ways of purposeful sampling to specify the study group. The data were collected with a questionnaire consisting of open-ended questions. The data obtained were analyzed by using the descriptive analysis technique. According to the findings of the study, it was observed that the participants emphasized the use of scientific and reliable sources as the criteria they considered while writing a book. The participants think that books can help students to enrich their knowledge, make learning easier, contribute to reading, and increase interest in history. It was determined that the participants' opinions about the difficulties they encountered in writing the books varied. Half of the participants stated that in history trade books, there are problems such as exaggerated expressions and interpretations, diversion from academic historicism, misinformation. In terms of the features that should be included in a qualified trade history book written for the students; it has been determined that books emphasize the importance of being unbiased, written, entertaining, intriguing, with the right information.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Öğrencilerin tarih okuma ve öğrenme materyalleri sadece okuldaki tarih ders kitapları ile sınırlı değildir. Tarih öğrenmenin araçlarından biri de ticari kitaplardır. Ticari kitaplar öğrencilerin tarih bilgisinin ve bilincinin şekillenmesine etki edebilecek önemli materyallerden biridir. Bu araştırmanın amacı, öğrencilere yönelik yayımlanan ticari tarih kitaplarına ilişkin yazarların görüşlerini belirlemektir. Çalışmada nitel araştırma yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın katılımcı grubunu öğrencilere yönelik ticari kitap yazan altı yazar oluşturmuştur. Katılımcıların belirlenmesinde amaçlı örnekleme yöntemlerinden, ölçüt örnekleme yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Araştırmada veriler, açık uçlu sorulardan oluşan bir anket ile toplanmış ve elde edilen veriler betimsel analiz tekniği ile çözümlenmiştir. Araştırmanın bulgularına göre, katılımcıların kitap yazarken dikkate aldıkları kriter olarak, bilimsel ve güvenilir kaynaklardan yararlanılması konusuna daha çok vurgu yaptıkları görülmüştür. Katılımcılar, kitapların öğrencilere; bilgilerini zenginleştirme, öğrenmeyi kolaylaştırma, okumaya katkıda bulunma, tarihe ilgiyi artırma konusunda yarar sağlayabileceğini düşünmektedir. Katılımcıların, kitapları yazarken karşılaştıkları zorluklar ile ilgili görüşlerinin ise çeşitlilik gösterdiği tespit edilmiştir. Katılımcıların yarısı ticari tarih kitaplarında; abartılı anlatım ve yorumların olması, akademik tarihçilikten uzaklaşılması, bilgi yanlışlarının olması gibi sorunların olduğunu ifade etmiştir. Öğrencilere yönelik yazılan nitelikli bir ticari tarih kitabında bulunması gereken özellikler konusunda; kitapların doğru bilgilerle tarafsız yazılması, eğlenceli, ilgi çekici, merak uyandırıcı olması gerektiğine ilişkin görüşün daha çok vurgulandığı tespit edilmiştir.</p>


Author(s):  
Lee HP

This chapter examines the phenomenon of Islamization in Malaysia. The hallmark of Islamism is its ‘quintessentially political agenda’ involving ‘the politicization of Islam through the aligning of structures of governance and society with Islamic strictures’. In contemporary Malaysia, Islamization puts into the spotlight the reconciliation of this phenomenon with the Malaysian Constitution, which was crafted as a governing instrument for a multiracial, multilingual, and multireligious society. The general unease of the non-Muslim segment of Malaysian society was aggravated by a highly publicized pronouncement of Prime Minister Mahathir, on 29 September 2001, that Malaysia was already an Islamic State. The remainder of the chapter discusses controversial episodes that have engendered concern over the Islamization phenomenon and its significance for constitutionalism in Malaysia.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document