Nehru’s Role Conception

2019 ◽  
pp. 37-70
Author(s):  
Zorawar Daulet Singh
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Alternative Concept ◽  
Regional Role ◽  
Role Conception ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Power Concept ◽  
Inter State

This chapter reconstructs Nehru’s role conception by engaging in an analysis of his public and private writings and speeches as well as those of his core advisor Krishna Menon. Nehru’s regional role conception of India as a peacemaker, it is argued, was shaped by three core inter-related beliefs: internationalism centred on Asia, rejection of the balance of power concept, expression of an alternative concept of indivisible security called the peace area, and a mode of statecraft that favoured persuasion and accommodation rather than coercion or force in inter-state relations.

Indira Gandhi’s Role Conception

2019 ◽  
pp. 193-221
Author(s):  
Zorawar Daulet Singh
Keyword(s):  
South Asia ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Private Communication ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Regional Role ◽  
Role Conception ◽  
Definition Of

This chapter reconstructs Indira Gandhi’s role conception by analysing the Prime Minister and her core advisors’ public and private communication record. Indira Gandhi’s regional role conception of India as a security seeker, it is contended, was shaped by three core inter-related beliefs: a definition of India’s interests in more narrow terms compared to Nehru’s beliefs, and, a regional image centred on the subcontinent rather than on an extended Asian space that lay at the heart of Nehru’s image; a divisible conception of security rather than an indivisible one, and an inclination to leverage the balance of power for geopolitical advantage rather than to reform Asia’s interaction culture as per Nehru’s role conception; and, an inclination to employ coercive means to solve disputes or to pursue geopolitical ends in South Asia rather than a preference for ethical statecraft and strategic restraint embodied in Nehru’s worldview.

Historical Development

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kubo Mačák
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
General Trend ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Fundamental Transformation ◽  
State Actors ◽  
The Law ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Inter State ◽  
State Territory

This chapter traces the development of the law of belligerent occupation in order to identify trends relevant to the regulation of internationalized armed conflicts. It observes that despite the general grounding of this body of law in a state-centric paradigm, several isolated developments have contemplated the possibility of non-state actors becoming belligerent occupants of a portion of state territory. Moreover, the chapter highlights that the law of belligerent occupation has undergone a fundamental transformation as part of a general trend of individualization and humanization of international law. Therefore, it is no longer simply a brake on inter-state relations and a protector of states’ interests and institutions. Instead, the law has gradually brought individuals’ interests to the fore, putting persons before institutions and individuals before states. Overall, the chapter uncovers the historical reasons that support an extensive view of the applicability of the law of occupation to modern internationalized armed conflicts.

Inter-State Relations in Ancient India.

1968 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 314
Author(s):  
John W. Spellman ◽  
T. B. Mukherjee
Keyword(s):  
Ancient India ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Inter State

Counting the Seven Weeks War: Dyads, Disputes and Balances of Power

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Moul
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Study ◽  
The State ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Inter State ◽  
The Way

Abstract. The usual quantitative study of inter-state war and peace tallies observations on hundreds, sometimes thousands, of dyads or pairs of states. These observations miss elementary features of inter-state relations that should be examined when testing Realist explanations of war and peace. The way in which three prominent studies (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) chose to count the Seven Weeks War dramatically reveals the theoretical difficulties when tallying dyads. Re-analyses of these studies demonstrate the sensitivity of the results to particulars of 1866 Germany and, more importantly, illustrate the merits of analyzing the dispute rather than the state dyad or the state-dyad year.Résumé. L'étude quantitative des périodes de guerre et de paix entre États comptabilise des observations relatives à des centaines, parfois des milliers de dyades ou paires d'États. Ces observations ne prennent pas en compte certaines caractéristiques élémentaires des relations entre États qui devraient pourtant être examinées lorsque l'on teste les théories réalistes expliquant guerre et paix. La manière dont trois études reconnues (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) ont choisi de comptabiliser la guerre des Sept Semaines révèle de manière éclatante les difficultés théoriques dans la comptabilisation des dyades d'états. De nouvelles analyses de ces études ont démontré la sensibilité des résultats aux caractéristiques de l'Allemagne de 1866, mais soulignent surtout les mérites de l'analyse des disputes par rapport à l'analyse des dyades d'États ou des dyades d'États annuelles.

Sovereignty@Bay

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Kobrin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
State System ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Territorial Jurisdiction ◽  
Vast Literature ◽  
Or Practice ◽  
State Relations ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Inter State

This article is concerned with only one aspect of the vast literature on MNE–state relations: the impact of the MNE on sovereignty, autonomy, and control. It argues that the mainstream literature of the sovereignty at bay era did not predict the end of the nation-state or conclude that sovereignty is critically compromised either in theory or practice. In fact, while the terms ‘sovereignty’, autonomy', and ‘control’ appear frequently in these discussions, they are rarely defined or even used precisely. At the end of the day MNEs are international or cross-border entities which are of the existing inter-state system firmly rooted in national territorial jurisdiction. The problems posed by the traditional MNE for both states and the inter-state system tend to involve issues of jurisdictional asymmetry, jurisdictional overlap and control, rather than sovereignty in its formal sense. The hierarchical or Fordist structure of the traditional MNE reinforces the core values of the modern international political system: state sovereignty and mutually exclusive territoriality.

scholarly journals Pakistans Security Dilemma with Afghanistan and India

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 70-77
Author(s):  
Muhammad Tariq ◽  
Arif Khan ◽  
Bakhtiar Khan
Keyword(s):  
National Interest ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Security Dilemma ◽  
Power Theory ◽  
Internal Dimension ◽  
Western Border ◽  
Eastern Border ◽  
External Dimension ◽  
State Relations

Security dilemma plays an important part in determining state relations when particularly they are next door neighbors. In such a condition, it becomes difficult for the states to keep their security protected. Nations have to adopt policies that are beneficial for their national interest. An important function of security dilemma is that it also supports the balance of power theory which helps in balancing and counterbalancing of the countries. As far as, Pakistans security is concerned, it has two dimensions; the internal dimension which has greatly subsided during the present government while external dimension has always been like a Hanging Sword of Damocles. Pakistan is faced with this dilemma on both its eastern and western borders. The eastern border has caused three wars against India while the western border created trouble for Pakistan in the post-9/11 scenario. This paper discusses Pakists security dilemma with Afghanistan and India.

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