Indira Gandhi’s Role Conception

2019 ◽  
pp. 193-221
Author(s):  
Zorawar Daulet Singh

This chapter reconstructs Indira Gandhi’s role conception by analysing the Prime Minister and her core advisors’ public and private communication record. Indira Gandhi’s regional role conception of India as a security seeker, it is contended, was shaped by three core inter-related beliefs: a definition of India’s interests in more narrow terms compared to Nehru’s beliefs, and, a regional image centred on the subcontinent rather than on an extended Asian space that lay at the heart of Nehru’s image; a divisible conception of security rather than an indivisible one, and an inclination to leverage the balance of power for geopolitical advantage rather than to reform Asia’s interaction culture as per Nehru’s role conception; and, an inclination to employ coercive means to solve disputes or to pursue geopolitical ends in South Asia rather than a preference for ethical statecraft and strategic restraint embodied in Nehru’s worldview.

2019 ◽  
pp. 37-70
Author(s):  
Zorawar Daulet Singh

This chapter reconstructs Nehru’s role conception by engaging in an analysis of his public and private writings and speeches as well as those of his core advisor Krishna Menon. Nehru’s regional role conception of India as a peacemaker, it is argued, was shaped by three core inter-related beliefs: internationalism centred on Asia, rejection of the balance of power concept, expression of an alternative concept of indivisible security called the peace area, and a mode of statecraft that favoured persuasion and accommodation rather than coercion or force in inter-state relations.


Subject Varying power of judiciaries across South Asia. Significance Spats involving supreme courts are increasingly a feature of South Asian politics. The balance of power between the judiciary and other branches of governments varies across the region’s different countries. Impacts Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi may issue more ordinances, despite the Supreme Court urging limits to their use. Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League will register more legal cases against opposition politicians. Maldivian President Abdulla Yameen will face rising international pressure to ensure free and fair elections later this year. Ahead of Pakistan’s elections, Nawaz Sharif’s movement against the judiciary may garner support for the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz. Sri Lanka’s new law empowering the chief justice to establish special courts for bribery cases may assuage public concerns over corruption.


Resonance ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-327
Author(s):  
Shuhei Hosokawa

Drawing on Karin Bijsterveld’s triple definition of noise as ownership, political responsibility, and causal responsibility, this article traces how modern Japan problematized noise, and how noise represented both the aspirational discourse of Western civilization and the experiential nuisance accompanying rapid changes in living conditions in 1920s Japan. Primarily based on newspaper archives, the analysis will approach the problematic of noise as it was manifested in different ways in the public and private realms. In the public realm, the mid-1920s marked a turning point due to the reconstruction work after the Great Kantô Earthquake (1923) and the spread of the use of radios, phonographs, and loudspeakers. Within a few years, public opinion against noise had been formed by a coalition of journalists, police, the judiciary, engineers, academics, and municipal officials. This section will also address the legal regulation of noise and its failure; because public opinion was “owned” by middle-class (sub)urbanites, factory noises in downtown areas were hardly included in noise abatement discourse. Around 1930, the sounds of radios became a social problem, but the police and the courts hesitated to intervene in a “private” conflict, partly because they valued radio as a tool for encouraging nationalist mobilization and transmitting announcements from above. In sum, this article investigates the diverse contexts in which noise was perceived and interpreted as such, as noise became an integral part of modern life in early 20th-century Japan.


2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-88
Author(s):  
Eliot Olivier

Political controversies in New South Wales and Canada recently have focused public attention on the constitutional practice of proroguing parliament. They have also shone a light on two lingering areas of uncertainty that surround its operation under the Commonwealth Constitution. This article seeks to clarify these two muddy areas of the law concerning prorogation. The first is the effect of prorogation on the Senate and its committees. Since Federation, the Senate has purported to authorise its committees to continue to function notwithstanding a prorogation of the Parliament. However, it is argued that this practice is unsupported by the provisions of the Constitution and the Senate has no such power. Second, the article examines the operation of the conventions that constrain the Governor-General's power to prorogue. Prorogation generally is exercised on the advice of the Prime Minister. However, this article contends that where a Prime Minister seeks to prorogue Parliament to avoid a vote of no confidence, the Governor-General will have a discretion to reject the advice. It may also be open to the Governor-General to reject an advice to prorogue where the purpose is to avoid scrutiny of a fundamental constitutional illegality. In Australia, the uncertainties that surround prorogation, coupled with the now precarious political landscape in Canberra, create the very real possibility of a prorogation crisis at the Commonwealth level. This article provides a response to these uncertainties. In doing so it offers a solution to how a prorogation crisis can be resolved, whilst maintaining the fine balance of power in our constitutional system.


Asian Survey ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 402-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Brewster

The long-standing strategic disconnect between South Asia and the Korean Peninsula is breaking down. Driven by the changing balance of power in Asia, India and South Korea have developed a strong economic partnership, and taken small but significant steps toward a political and security relationship that refects their numerous shared strategic interests. This article explores the contours of this evolving relationship.


2021 ◽  
pp. 152-172
Author(s):  
Willem Adema ◽  
Peter Whiteford

This chapter contributes to the discussion of public and private social welfare by drawing together recent information on these different ways of providing social benefits. It presents data on public social expenditure for 2015–17 and accounts for the impact of the tax system and private social expenditure to develop indicators on net social expenditure for 2015. The chapter shows that conventional estimates of gross public spending differ significantly from estimates of net public spending and net total social expenditure, leading to an incorrect measurement and ranking of total social welfare effort across countries.Just as importantly, the fact that total social welfare support is incorrectly measured implies that the outcomes of welfare state support may also be incorrectly measured. Thus, the main objectives of the chapter include considering the implications of this more comprehensive definition of welfare state effort for analysis of the distributional impact of the welfare state and for an assessment of the efficiency and incentive effects of different welfare state arrangements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirill Andreevich Pisenko ◽  
Stanislav Lvovich Botvinnik

Legal issues of counteracting the imposition of unfavorable contract terms by the dominant party raise a number of theoretical and practical problems. The authors of the article try to determine the legal nature of imposition and develop methods of comprehensive counteraction to this violation in order to ensure the balance of convenience. From the philosophical perspective and a certain worldview, the study is based on the balance of convenience regarded as the objective foundation of legal regulation. The main philosophical and scientific methods used in this article include the dialectic method, the formal-legal method, the method of legal hermeneutics, as well as the comparative-legal and empirical methods. The theoretical basis is represented by scientific works in the field of civil, administrative, entrepreneurial and procedural branches of law. The legal nature of imposition as a type of violation should be determined with due regard to the general logic of antitrust regulation. The parallel use of both public and private law necessitates the development of procedural legal means ensuring uniform law enforcement and the balance of convenience. First of all, the unity of approaches regarding legal tools of public and civil law should be concerned with the definition of features and the essence of elements compiling the imposition itself. The authors also propose approaches to the formation of an appropriate procedural model.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maykon Araújo de Souza ◽  
Sandro Ronaldo Bezerra Oliveira

This study presents a mapping of the assets present in the Guiding Model for the Success of Public and Private Companies (MOSE) and the articles included in the General Data Protection Law (LGPD) of the Brazilian Government, with regard to Security and Good Practices in Chapter VII of this law. The theme becomes relevant, as more and more companies from different contexts need to implement the articles contained in this law in order to adhere to the standard of regulation of personal data processing activities defined by the Brazilian Federal Government. However, this law still needs guidelines for its proper implementation based on the adoption of good practices in models, methods and/or techniques available in the specialized literature. One of these instruments refers to the MOSE, which helps public and private companies to achieve levels of excellence in performance, governance and quality, in the production of goods and services, based on the use of practices and indicators specific to the area of knowledge or specialty. Thus, the research question guiding this work is: how to correspond/map the practices included in the MOSE to guide the implementation of the articles of the LGPD law? The methodology adopted was the asset mapping, described in a specific section of the paper, which included the following steps: definition of the LGPD chapter that focuses on data security management; definition of the model and law structures, and their inputs to be analyzed; identification of the description of each asset; analysis of correspondence between assets; evaluation of the mapping using the peer review technique with expert in the two target standards of this research. The result was the perception that 33% of the MOSE’s competences goals, with the appropriate adjustments, have total adherence with 100% of the security and good pratices assets of LGPD. This mapping is intended to provide assistance in defining a roadmap containing activities, work products, tools, indicators and expected results to achieve the goals defined in the LGPD.


2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (04) ◽  
pp. 463-480
Author(s):  
Xiaoping Yang

The United States’ South Asia strategy has been based on the calculation of its overall national security priorities. In practice, when U.S. priorities are at odds with those of other regional powers, Washington tends to adopt a “no-expectations” psychological approach toward its regional partners to avoid disappointment, a technical “de-hyphenation strategy” to improve policy efficiency, and practical cost-benefit analysis to evaluate the effectiveness of its South Asia strategy. However, Washington often has to come to terms with the realities on the ground with regard to its leadership role in South Asia. For the time being, Washington has articulated its strategic objective in South Asia, that is, a regional balance of power in favor of the United States vis-a-vis its perceived competitor, China. Therefore, it has conducted conditional cooperation with Pakistan and Afghanistan on land, and committed support for India on security issues in the Indian Ocean, so as to hedge against China’s growing presence in South Asia. The enhancement of U.S.-India defense and security cooperation has fueled China’s suspicion of India’s intention to join the U.S.-led coalition against it. By the logic of balance of power, the United States will continue to regard India as a strategic counterweight to China, which is likely to increase the possibility of strategic tensions and conflicts between China and India that may finally entangle the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Jacques Sapir

The very idea of strategic thinking is quite opposed to the tradition of linking the choices of agents, individual or collective, to the process of maximization under constraints. The theory of general equilibrium has closed the door to the notion of strategy, just as the theory of generalized free trade has closed that of sovereignty. But this paradigm is falling apart. With a new approach of radical uncertainty, something made even more obvious with the COVID-19 pandemic, we are relearning the science and art of strategy, the more so because we are living in a world of a balance of power. But what would be the definition of strategy? Quite clearly we must distinguish between state and company strategy. This debate is also at the very center of the controversy over the role and meaning of institutions in economics. There is also a variety of strategies and those having a distinct appetite for risk must seriously consider whether to practice the art of strategy or not.


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